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Historical Figures of the US Navy. Short
biographies of major naval figures in the history of the US Navy,
including John Paul Jones, Alexander Murray, John Barry, Thomas Truxtun,
Isaac Hull and many others. |
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John Paul
Jones
On commemorating the lives and services of the
naval commanders distinguished in the history of our country, it is but
just to place Paul Jones among the first.
He was the first to hoist the American flag in a regular American
man of war. He gained the
most brilliant victory won upon the ocean during the war of
independence; and though out the whole of his splendid career he
exhibited a degree of courage and ability, which has been surpassed by
none of those who have succeeded him in the brilliant line of our naval
heroes.
John Paul Jones was the son of Mr John Paul, a respectable
gardener. He was born at
Arbigland, in the parish of Kirkbean, and Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, in
the month of July 1747, and received the rudiments of his education at
the parochial school. The
contiguity of his residence to the shore of the Solway Firth, inspired
him with an early predilection for a sea-faring life; and while yet a
mere child, he hoisted his flag onboard his mimic ship, and issued
audible mandates to his imaginary officers and crew, with all the
consequence of a legitimate commander Nor was he content with this.
As his skills in manoeuvring improved, he ventured to criticise
the nautical knowledge of practical sailors; and in the eager and
confident tone with which, from the eminence on which he took his
station, he thundered forth his orders to the vessels which were
entering the port at Carsethorn, might be remarked the ardent and
enterprising mind of one who felt that he was born to future command.
At the time of which we speak, the town of Dumfries carried on a
very considerable trade in tobacco with America; and as the Nith was not
navigable to foreign vessels, the cargoes were unshipped at Carsethorn,
near the mouth of that river. There,
from his earliest years, Paul had opportunities of conversing with
mariners from the discontented colonies; and it is probable that he thus
first imbibed that enthusiastic attachment to the United States, and
those revolutionary principles, which exerted so decided an influence on
his conduct when he grew up to maturity, and eventually led him to
renounce his allegiance, and raise his hand against the country which
gave him birth.
His partiality for a sailor’s life was so determined, that his
friends resolved to indulge it; and accordingly at the age of twelve, he
was sent across the Firth to Whitehaven, where he was bound apprentice
to Mr younger, a respectable merchant in the American trade.
His first voyage was made onboard the Friendship, Captain Benson. His course was steered for the Rappahannoc, and before he had
completed his thirteenth year, he had landed on the shore of that
country which he was destined to adopt as his own.
His home, while the ship was in port, was the house of an elder
brother, who, having married a native of Virginia, had previously
settled there. Here his
early prepossessions in favour of America were confirmed, and from that
period, as he afterwards expressed himself to Baron Van der Capellan,
that because “the country of his fond election.”
In the meantime, his intelligence and good conduct acquired him
the esteem and confidence of his employer, who promised to give him a
substantial proof of his favour, by promoting him to the command of a
vessel; and we would have kept his word, had not the embarrassed state
of his affairs deprived him of the power to do it.
Our adventurer, being at length freed from the trammels of
apprenticeship, made several voyages to the coast of Africa; but he soon
became disgusted with a traffic which had too long been the disgrace of
civilised nations, and confined his services to the command of vessels
engaged in a more reputable and legitimate commerce.
In the year 1773, he went to Virginia to arrange the affairs of
his brother, who had died there without leaving any family; and about
this time, in addition to his original surname, he assumed the
patronymic of Jones, his father’s Christian name having been John.
This custom, which is of classical authority, has long been
prevalent in Wales, and in various other countries, although it is not
usual in that part of the island in which he was born.
The visit revived and revetted the attachment which young Paul
Jones had conceived for America; and in spite of the native ardour and
restless activity of his mind, he resolved to withdraw from the
vicissitudes of a sea faring life, to fix his residence in that country,
and to devote the remainder of his days to retirement and study.
He was not little aware of the turbulent scenes in which he was
destined soon to perform a part, nor of the conspicuous figure he to
make in them.
The discontents of the colonists had by this time occasioned much
commotion, and their murmurs became daily deeper and more frequent, till
at last they fairly broke off all connection with the parent country. Towards the conclusion of the year 1775, it was determined by
Congress to fit out a naval force to assist in the defence of American
independence, and an anxious search was made for friends to the cause
who should be at once able and willing to act as officers onboard their
vessels. It now appeared
that Paul Jones had, in his romantic schemes of tranquil enjoyment,
falsely estimated the natural bent of his genius.
With deep interest he had watched the progress of those political
events, which were to decide the fate of his adopted country; and when
an open resistance was made to the dominion of Britain, he could no
longer remain an inactive spectator.
Having only just completed his twenty-eight year, he was full of
bodily vigour and of mental energy, and he conceived that his natural
skill would qualify to be a distinguished asserter of the rights of the
colonists. He was
immediately appointed first lieutenant of the Alfred, one of the only
two ships belonging to Congress, and onboard that vessel, before
Philadelphia, he hoisted the flag of independent America with his own
hands, the first time it was displayed in a national ship.
In the course of a very active and successful campaign, having
found means to gain the confidence of the Marine Committee by his zeal
and intrepidity, he had not served many months before the President sent
him a captain’s commission.
In November 1777, he sailed for France, in the Ranger, a new
sloop-of-war of eighteen guns, with despatches of the victory of
Saratoga. It was intended
that, “as a reward for the important services” which he had already
rendered to America, he should be appointed to the command of the
Indian, a fine frigate, just built for Congress at Amsterdam, and that
the Ranger should act under his orders; but the American commissioners
at Paris found it their best policy to assign this vessel over to the
King of France, and Captain Paul Jones continued with the Ranger.
Having convoyed some merchant ships at Quiberon Bay, he there
received from the French commander the first salute that was ever given
to the flag of Congress. Eager
to retaliate upon British for some predatory exploits of her sailors on
the American coast, and exasperated by the resolution which the English
government had taken, to treat all the supporters of independence as
traitors and rebels, Captain Paul Jones soon after this entered the
Irish Channel, and approached his native shores, not as a friend, but as
a determined enemy. On the
night of the 22nd April 1778, he came to anchor in the Solway
Firth, almost within sight of the trees, which sheltered the house in
which he first drew the breath of life.
Early next morning, he rowed for the English coast, at the head
of thirty-one volunteers, in two boats, with the intention of destroying
the shipping (about two hundred sail,) which lay in the harbour of
Whitehaven. In this daring
attempt he would probably have succeeded without difficulty, had not the
strength of the opposing tide retarded his progress so much, that day
began to dawn before he could gain the shore.
He despatched the smaller of the two boats to the north of the
port to set fire to the vessels, whilst he led the remainder of the
party in person to the more hazardous duty of securing the fort, which
was situated on a hill to the south.
It was a cold morning; and the sentinels, little aware that an
enemy was so near, had retired into the guard room for warmth, affording
Jones an opportunity to take them by surprise, of which he did not fail
to avail himself. Climbing
over the shoulders of the tallest of his men, he crept silently through
one of the embrasures, and was instantly followed by the rest.
Their first care was to make fast the door of the guard room, and
their next to spike the cannon, thirty-six in number.
Having effected this without bloodshed, they proceeded to join
the detachment which had been sent to the north; and finding that a
false alarm had deterred them from executing their orders, Jones
instantly proceeded to set fire to the vessels within his reach.
By this time, however, the inhabitants were roused, and the
invaders were obliged to retreat, leaving three ships in flames, of
which one alone was destroyed.
On the same day with this adventure, another memorable occurrence
took place, which contributed, for a time, to add greatly to the odium
which the first had brought on his name in Britain, but which, in the
end, enabled him to prove that he was possessed of the most
disinterested and heroic qualities.
In cruising off the coast of Galloway, it occurred t him, that,
if he could get into his power a man of high rank and influence in the
state, he should be able, by retaining him as a hostage, to ensure to
the American prisoners of war more lenient treatment than was threatened
by the British government. Knowing
that the Earl of Selkirk possessed a seat in St. Mary’s Isle, a
beautiful peninsula at the mouth of the Dee, and being ill informed with
regard to the political connections of that nobleman, he destined him
for the subject of his experiment.
With that view, he landed on the Isle, about noon, with two
officers and a few men; but before they had proceeded far, he learnt
that his lordship was from home, and that there were none but ladies at
the house. Finding his
object frustrated, he now wished to return; but his crew were not so
easily satisfied. Their
object was plunder; and as they consisted of men in a very imperfect
state of discipline, and with whom it would have been dangerous to
contend, he allowed them to proceed.
He exacted from them, however, a promise that they should be
guilty of no violence; that the men should not enter the house, and that
the officers, after having made their demands, should accept of what
might be put into their hands without scrutiny.
These conditions were punctually obeyed.
The greater part of the Selkirk plate was carried off in triumph
by the crew, and Paul Jones was, for a time, stigmatised as a
freebooter; but he nobly vindicated his character, by taking the
earliest opportunity of purchasing the whole of it, out of his own
private funds, and remitting it safe to its original owner, without
accepting the smallest remuneration.
National prejudice has misrepresented this transaction; and in
order to heighten the popular indignation against our hero, it has been
common to state, that this attempt on the persons, and as it was
supposed the property, of Lord Selkirk, was aggravated by ingratitude,
his father having eaten of that nobleman’s bread.
Nothing can be more false. Neither
Mr. Paul, nor any of his kindred, ever was in the Earl’s employ, or
had ever the most distant connection with his lordship or his family;
and in a correspondence which took place between our hero and Lady
Selkirk, relative to the restitution of the plate, a most honourable
testimony was gratefully paid by the latter to the Captain’s
character.
The day succeeding the two events just mentioned, Paul Jones
encountered the Drake, a King’s ship of twenty guns, in Carrick Fergus
bay, and took her after a very brave resistance, in the course of which
the English captain and his first lieutenant were mortally wounded.
With this and another large prize, Captain Jones returned to
Brest, after an absence of twenty-eight days of very active service, in
which, besides taking and destroying many valuable vessels, he had
thrown the coasts of Scotland and Ireland into consternation, occasioned
the Irish Volunteers to be embodied, and obliged the English government
to expand considerable sums in fortifying the harbours.
A teasing period of hopes and disappointments followed.
The French ministry, to testify their good will to the Unites
Sates, had promised to furnish Paul Jones with a ship, in which,
however, he was to display the American flag; but, after various written
memorials, no progress seemed to have been made towards the fulfilment
of this engagement. At
length he determined to apply in person, and having gone to Paris, he
soon obtained the command of the Due de Duras of forty guns.
The name, however, he changed to Le Bon-Homme Richard, in
compliment to the wise saying of Poor Richard, “If you would have your
business done, come yourself; if not, send.”
In this vessel, badly manned, and not much better furnished, Paul
Jones sailed as Commodore of a little squadron, consisting, besides his
own ship, of the Alliance of thirty six guns, the Pallas of thirty-two,
the Serf of eighteen, the Vengeance of twelve, and two privateers, which
requested leave to share the Commodore’s fortunes.
After taking several prizes, the Serf, the privateers, and at
length the Alliance, deserted the squadron.
The Commodore’s good fortune, however, did not desert him.
On the 15th September, he was, with his own ship, the
Pallas, the Vengeance, and several prizes, at the entrance into the
Firth of Forth, where they made every necessary disposition to seize the
guard ship, and two cutters, that rode at anchor in the roads, and to
lay Leith, and perhaps Edinburgh, under contribution.
The wind, which was fair, in the night, opposed them in the
morning. However, on the 16th,
the little squadron continued all day to work up the Firth.
At this time a member of the British Parliament observing them
from the coast of Fife, and mistaking them for the King’s ships, sent
off a boat to inform the Commodore that he was greatly afraid of Paul
Jones, and to beg some powder and shot.
Our hero, much amused with the message, sent him a barrel of
gunpowder, with a civil answer to quiet his fears, and an apology for
not including shot in the present.
Next morning at day break, every thing was in perfect readiness
to commence the engagement, and two tacks more would have brought the
strangers alongside their enemies, when, at that critical moment, a
sudden gale of wind swept down the Firth, raging with such violence, as
completely to overpower them, to sink one of the prizes, and drive all
the rest of the squadron fairly out to sea.
By this failure, the captains of the Pallas and Vengeance were so
much disheartened, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the
attempting.
Continuing their cruise, after various adventures, the squadron
suddenly discovered the homeward bound British Baltic fleet, off
Scarborough castle, escorted by the frigate Serapis, and the Countess of
Scarborough. After a long
engagement, in which Paul Jones displayed the most astonishing skill,
intrepidity, and presence of mind, the Countess of Scarborough struck to
the Pallas, and the Serapis to the Bon-Homme Richard, which latter ship
was reduced to so shattered a state, that next morning, after all hands
had left her, she went to the bottom.
The Serapis was not in much better condition, the Commodore
having, with his own hands, lashed the two ships together, to prevent
the enemy from availing himself of his superiority in weight of metal.
The following is Paul Jones own account of this famous battle: -
“Soon after this a fleet of forty-one sail appeared off
Flamborough Head, bearing N.N.E. This
induced me to abandon the single ship which had then anchored in
Burlington Bay; I also called back the pilot boat, and hoisted a signal
for a general chase. When the fleet discovered us bearing down, all the merchant
ships crowded sail towards the shore.
The two ships of war that protected the fleet at the same time
steered from the land, and made the disposition for battle.
In approaching the enemy, I crowded every possible sail, and made
the signal for the line of battle, to which the Alliance showed no
attention. Earnest as I was
for the action, I could not reach the Commodore’s ship until seven in
the evening, being then within pistol-shot, when he hailed the Bon-Homme
Richard. We answered him by firing a whole broadside.
“The battle being thus begun was continued with unremitting
fury. Every method was
practised on both sides to gain an advantage, and rake each other; and I
must confess that the enemy’s ship, being much more manageable than
the Bon-Homme Richard, gained thereby several times an advantageous
situation, in spite of my best endeavours to prevent it.
As I had to deal with an enemy of greatly superior force, I was
under the necessity of closing with him, to prevent the advantage, which
he had over me in point of manoeuvre.
It was my intention to lay the Bon Homme Richard athwart the
enemy’s bow; but as that operation required great dexterity in the
management of both side’s sails and helm, and some of our braces being
shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my wish.
The enemy’s bowsprit, however, came over the Bon-Homme
Richard’s poop by the mizzenmast, and I made both ships fast together
in that situation, which, by the action of the wind on the enemy’s
sails, forced her stern close to the Bon-Homme Richard’s bow, so that
the ships lay square alongside of each other, the yards being all
entangled, and the cannon of each ship touching the opponents.
“When this position took place, it was eight o’clock,
previous to which the Bon-Homme Richard had received sundry
eighteen-pound shots below the water, and leaked very much.
My battery of twelve- pounders, on which I had placed my chief
dependence, being commanded by Lieutenant Dale and Colonel Weibert, and
manned principally with American seamen and French volunteers, was
entirely silenced and abandoned. As
to the six old eighteen-pounders that formed the battery of the lower
gun-deck, they did no service whatever, except firing eight shot in all.
Two out of three of them burst at the first fire, and killed
almost all the men who were stationed to manage them.
Before this time, too, Colonial de Chamillard, who commanded a
party of twenty soldiers on the poop, had abandoned that station after
having lost some of his men. I
had now only two pieces of cannon, (nine-pounders,) on the quarterdeck,
that were not silenced, and not one of the heavier cannon was fired
during the rest of the action. The
purser, M. Mease, who commanded the guns on the quarterdeck, being
dangerously wounded in the head, I was obliged to fill his place, and
with great difficulty rallied a few men, and shifted over one of the lee
quarterdeck guns, so that we afterwards played three pieces of nine-pounders
upon the enemy. The tops
alone seconded the fire of this little battery, and held out bravely
during the whole of the action, especially the main top, where
Lieutenant Stack commanded. I
directed the fire of one of the three cannon against the main mast, with
double headed shot, while the other two were exceedingly well served
with grape and canister shot, to silence the enemy’s musketry and
clear her decks, which was at last effected.
The enemy were, as I have understood, on the instant of calling
for quarters, when the cowardice or treachery of three of my under
officers induced them to call to the enemy. The English Commodore asked me if I demanded quarters, and I
having answered him the most determined negative; they renewed the
battle with double fury. They
were unable to stand the deck; but the fire of their cannon, especially
the lower battery, which was entirely formed of ten-pounders, was
incessant; both ships was entirely formed of ten-pounders, was
incessant; both ships were set on fire in various places, and the scene
was dreadful beyond the reach of language.
To account for the timidity of my three under officers, I mean
the gunner, the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must observe, that
the two first were slightly wounded and, as the ship had received
various shot under water, and one of the pumps being shot away, the
carpenter expressed his fears that she would sink, and the other two
concluded that she was sinking, which occasioned the gunner to run aft
on the poop, without my knowledge, to strike the colours.
Fortunately for me, a cannon ball had done that before, by
carrying away the ensign-staff; he was therefore reduced to the
necessity of sinking, as he supposed, or of calling for quarter, and he
preferred the latter.
“All this time the Bon-Homme Richard had sustained the action
alone, and the enemy, though much superior in force, would have been
very glad to have got clear, as appears by their own acknowledgments,
and by their having let go an anchor the instant that I laid them
onboard, by which means they would have escaped, had I not made them
well fast to the Bon-Homme Richard.
“At last, at half past nine, the Alliance appeared, and I now
thought the battle at an end; but, to my utter astonishment, he
discharged a broadside full into the stern of the Bon-Homme Richard.
We called to him for God’s sake to forbear firing into the Bon-Homme
Richard; yet they passed along the offside of the ship, and continued
firing. There was no
possibility of this mistaking the enemy’s ships for the Bon-Homme
Richard; they’re being the most essential difference in their
appearance and construction. Besides, it was then full moonlight, and the sides of the
Bon-Homme Richard were all black, while the sides of the prize were all
yellow. Yet, for the
greater security, I showed the signal of our reconnaissance, by patting
out three lanterns, one at the head, another at the stern, and the third
in the middle, in a horizontal line.
Every tongue cried that he was firing into the wrong ship, but
nothing availed; he passed round firing into the Bon-Homme Richard’s
head, stern, and broadside, and by one of his volleys killed several of
my best men, and mortally wounded a good officer on the forecastle only.
My situation was really deplorable; the Bon-Homme Richard
received various shot under water from the Alliance; the leak gained on
the pumps, and the fire increased much onboard both ships.
Some officers persuaded me to strike, of whose courage and good
sense I entertain a high opinion. My
treacherous master-at-arms let loose all my prisoners without my
knowledge, and my prospects became gloomy indeed.
I would not, however, give up the point.
The enemy’s mainmast began to shake, their firing decreased
fast, ours rather increased, and the British colours were struck at half
an hour past ten.
“This prize proved to be the British ship of war the Serapis, a
new ship of forty-four guns, built on the most approved construction,
with two complete batteries, one of them eighteen-pounders, and
commanded by the brave Commodore Richard Pearson.
I had yet two enemies to encounter far more formidable than the
British I mean fire and water. The
Serapis was attacked only by the first, but the Bon-Homme Richard was
assailed by both; there was five feet water in the hold, and though it
was moderate from the explosion of so much gunpowder, yet the three
pumps that remained could with difficulty only keep the water from
gaining. The fire broke out
in various parts of the ship of all the water that could be thrown into
quench it, and at length broke out as low as the powder magazine, and
within a few inches of the powder.
In that dilemma I took out the powder upon the deck, ready to be
thrown overboard at the last extremity, and it was ten o’clock the
next day (the 24th) before the fire was entirely
extinguished. With respect
to the situation of the Bon-Homme Richard, the rudder was cut entirely
off, the stern frame and transoms were almost entirely cut away, and the
timbers by the lower deck, especially from the mainmast towards the
stern, being greatly decayed with age, were mangled beyond my power of
description, and a person must have been an eyewitness to form a just
idea of the tremendous scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin, which every
where appeared. Humanity
cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished horror, and lament
that war should be capable of producing such fatal consequences.
“After the carpenters, as well as Captain Cottineau and other
men of senses, had well examined and surveyed the ship, (which was not
finished before five in the evening,) I found every person to be
convinced that it was impossible to keep the Bon-Homme Richard afloat,
so as to reach a port, if the wind should increase, it being then only a
very moderate breeze. I had but little time to remove my wounded, which now became
unavoidable, and which was effected in the course of the night and next
morning. I was determined
to keep the Bon-Homme Richard afloat, and, if possible, to bring her
into port. For that
purpose, the first lieutenant of the Pallas continued onboard with a
party of men, to attend the pumps, with boats in waiting, ready to take
them onboard in case the water should gain on them too fast.
The wind augmented in the night, and the next day the 25th,
so that it was impossible to prevent the good old ship from sinking.
They did not abandon her till after nine o’clock; the water was
then up to the lower deck, and a little after ten we saw, with
inexpressible grief, the last glimpse of the Bon-Homme Richard.
No lives were lost with the ship, but it was impossible to save
the stores of any sort whatever. I
lost even the best part of my clothes, books, and papers; and several of
my officers lost all their clothes and effects.
“Having thus endeavoured to give a clear and simple relation of
the circumstances and events that have attended the little armament
under my command, I shall freely submit my conduct therein to the
censure of my superiors and the impartial public.
I beg leave, however, to observe, that the force that was put
under my command was far from being well composed, and as the great
majority of the actors in it have appeared ben on the pursuit of
interest only, I am exceedingly sorry that they and I have been at all
concerned.”
Such is the despatch, which Commodore Jones transmitted from the
Texel to Dr. Franklin, and afterwards to congress.
The Commodore now took the command of the Serapis, erected
jury-masts, and with some difficulty conveyed of his prizes to the Texel. Paul Jones, who never suffered the interests of his fellow
citizens to be lost sight of, exerted all his influence with the French
court to have it arranged that his prisoners should be exchanged against
American prisoners in England, and be completely succeeded. Dr. Franklin, the minister of the United States at Paris,
soon cheered his heart, by writing to him that “he had then completed
the glorious work he had so nobly begun, by giving liberty to all the
Americans who then languished for it in England.”
On this occasion, too, the King of France directed his ambassador
at the Hague to communicate to Commodore Paul Jones the high personal
esteem he bore for his character, especially for his disinterestedness
and humanity.
The Captain of the Alliance being ordered to Paris, to answer for
his insubordination, Jones took the command of that vessel; but he now
found himself environed with dangers.
The Dutch were summoned to deliver him up to the vengeance of the
English government, as a pirate and a rebel; and they were most
reluctantly constrained to order him out to sea, where an English
squadron was watching to pounce upon him as their certain prey.
The acceptance of a commission from the King of France would have
saved him from this dilemma, and the ambassador from his Most Christian
Majesty repeatedly urged him to adopt that alternative but he thought
his honour engaged to decline it. He
would not, at whatever risk, abandon the flag of his beloved America.
He, however, contrived to make his escape, passing the Straits of
Dover, and the Isle of Wight, before the very beards of the English
fleets.
Towards the close of 1780, our hero sailed for America in the
Ariel with important despatches and having encountered in his passage
the Triumph, an English vessel of twenty guns, he forced her to strike.
A little before this time, the King of France had testified his
approbation of Paul Jone’s services, by presenting him with a superb
gold sword; and a letter from M. de Sartaine now reached the President
of the United States, requesting liberty “to decorate that brave
officer with the cross of the order of military merit.”
The demand was laid before Congress, and a law having been passed
on the 27th February, acceding to it, he was formally
invested by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, at a public fete given to the
members of that legislative body. In
April following, on the report of a committee, Congress passed a vote of
thanks to the Chevalier Paul Jones “for the zeal, prudence, and
intrepidity with which he had sustained the honour of the American flag;
for his bold and successful enterprises to redeem from captivity those
citizens of America who had fallen under the power of the enemy; and in
general, for the good conduct and eminent services by which he had added
lustre to his character, and to the arms of America.”
During the remainder of the war with England, he had no
opportunity to signalise himself. After
it was over, Congress, as an expression of gratitude, caused a gold
medal to be struck, with appropriate legends and devices, to perpetuate
the memory of his valour and services.
The annexed engraving, executed in the ruled manner from a
duplicate of the medal, by Mr. Asa Spencer, the inventor of the machine
for medal ruling, gives an accurate resemblance of it.
In 1787, the United States having charged the Chevalier with a
mission to the court of Denmark, he set sail for that country in the
month of November, and passing through Paris in his way was strongly
solicited to assume the command of the Russian fleet in the Black Sea.
Soon after his arrival at Copenhagen, a courier, sent express by
the Empress Catharine, conveyed to him an urgent invitation to St.
Petersburgh. Although he
saw many reasons for declining to engage in the service of that
potentate, he was flattered by the offer, and felt himself bound at
least to thank her Majesty in person.
He, therefore, set out instantly for her Court, by the way of
Sweden; but at Greshelham found the passage of the Gulf of Bothnia
blocked up by ice. After
several unsuccessful attempts to proceed to Finland by the islands, he
conceived that it might be practicable to affect his object by doubling
the ice to the southward. The
enterprise was formidable, and altogether new; but our hero was not
easily daunted. Without
making known his intentions to his companions, he set sail from
Greshelham one morning very early, in an open boat about thirty feet
long, followed by a little one to haul over the ice.
Towards evening, having got nearly opposite to Stockholm, our
adventurer, producing his pistols, ordered the astonished boatmen to
pursue the route, which he had secretly devised.
Resistance was vain, and he was obeyed.
All night the wind was favourable, and they hoped to reach the
coast of Finland in the morning; but they found themselves opposed by an
impenetrable barrier of ice. Neither
was it possible from the state of the weather to return.
The only resource was to make for the Gulf of Finland.
When night came on, they steered by the aid of a pocket compass,
lighted by the lamp of the Chevalier’s carriage; and, at the end of
four days, after having lost the smaller of their two boats, they
terminated a perilous and fatiguing voyage at Revel, in Livonia.
The Chevalier was graciously received at the Court of St.
Petersburgh; and longer opposing the wishes of the Empress, attached
himself to her service, under this single condition, “That he should
never be condemned unheard.”
He proceeded, without delay, with the rank of Rear Admiral, to
take the command of the fleet stationed at the Liman, or mouth of the
Dneiper, and oppose the Turkish fleet under the Captain Pacha.
On the 26th May 1788, he hoisted his flag onboard the
Wolodimer. His squadron was
supported by a flotilla under the Prince of Nassau, and land forces
under Prince Potemkin. Our
limits forbid us to follow Admiral Jones through this campaign.
It afforded him many opportunities of displaying his
characteristic intrepidity and professional skill; but mean jealousy and
malignant cabals deprived him of much well trained glory.
He was, however, invested with the order of St. Anne, as an
acknowledgement of his fidelity; and, on his arrival at St. Petersburgh,
he was told that he was destined for a more important service.
Disgusted, however, by the intrigues of selfish men, he left
Russia in August 1789, and never returned.
The remainder of his days he spent partly in Holland, and partly
in France. He collected a
number of important documents relative to the public transactions in
which he had actively concerned; and as if he had foreseen that he was
not to be long live, he devoted much of his leisure to the arrangement
of his affairs, and to the preparations of papers, which should exhibit
his character and services in their true light to his friends and to
posterity.
He died at Paris of dropsy in the chest, in July 1792, having
barely completed his forty-fifth year.
His funeral was attended by a deputation o the National Assembly,
and M. Marron pronounced an oration over his tomb.
Among the Admiral’s papers were found memoirs of his life,
written with his own hand; a most interesting literacy production; from
these papers the above sketch was drawn up. |
|
Richard Dale
Ones’ lieutenant in the famous action with the
Serapis, is the subject of the present memoir.
Richard Dale was born on the sixth of November 1756, in Norfolk
county Virginia. He is
descended from a family highly respectable, though not wealthy.
His parents were both natives of Virginia.
His father left five children of whom Richard was the eldest.
Having manifested, from an early period of life, a strong
predilection for the sea, his friends were induced to comply with his
wishes. Accordingly, when
only twelve years of age, he entered onboard a vessel commanded by his
uncle, with whom he sailed from Norfolk for Liverpool, in November 1768.
He returned the following summer, and remained at home until the
spring of 1770, when he was bound apprentice to colonel Thomas Newton, a
respectable merchant of Norfolk. In
the employ of that gentleman he made several voyages to the West Indies,
during which nothing of moment occurred, except two accidents, which are
worthy of notice only as being the commencement of a series of
misfortunes that awaited him. The
first was a fall which is received from the spars, lying across the
belfry and the gallows, a distance of eighteen or twenty feet, without
however, sustaining any material injury.
The other was of a nature no less formidable.
As the vessel was going rapidly before the wind, he was knocked
overboard by the jib-sheet, and was not, without much difficulty,
rescued from so perilous a situation, after having been in the water
about an hour.
In 1775, we find him the chief officer of a valuable brig
belonging to Colonel Newton, in which, to the entire satisfaction of his
employer, he continued to the spring of the following year.
A period had now arrived that opened to his adventurous
disposition, prospects much more congenial and tempting than those which
arise out of the service of the merchant.
The war of the revolution had commenced; and he had too much of
the feelings and temperament of the soldier to remain inactive.
He is accordingly, presented to us in the early part of the year
1776, engaged as lieutenant onboard a vessel of war, belonging to the
state of Virginia, which was fitting out not far from City Point, near
Norfolk.
While in the execution of his orders to go to Sandy Point, in
James river, in a small river craft, for the purpose of procuring
cannon, he was captured by a tender belonging to the Liverpool frigate,
carried to Norfolk, and put onboard a prison ship, in which he was
confined for several weeks.
During the time he remained in this situation, he was visited by
Bridges Gutterridge, who had been his schoolmate, but who had not yet
declared in favour of the popular cause, having then the command of a
tender in the service of the enemy.
After much solicitation, and many plausible and seductive
arguments, our young adventurer was induced to join the fortunes of his
former companion and friend. In May (1776) they made a cruise together up the river
Rappahannock, during which they had an engagement with several pilot
boats, and were happy to escape, with the loss of several men killed;
young Dale himself being badly wounded, having received a musket ball in
his head. He was carried to
Norfolk, where his wound confined him a long time.
This period he improved to the salutary purposes of reflection,
and of firmly resolving, to use his own words, “never again to put
himself in the way of the balls of his country.”
Soon after his recovery, upon his return from Bermuda-whither he
had gone with William Gutteridge-he was captured by Captain John Barry,
commander of the United States brig Lexington, and on the same day
entered as a midshipman onboard said brig.
This occurred in July 1776.
Not long afterwards the brig, whilst cruising, was struck with
lightning; Dale, with many others, was prostrated senseless, upon the
deck. They were all,
however, providentially restored in a few minutes.
Soon after this the brig arrived at Philadelphia.
Date still continued in the same vessel the command of which now
devolved on Captain Hallock-Captain Barry having been appointed to the
command of a frigate.
The Lexington sailed in the autumn of 1776 for Cape Francois, and
a cruise. On her return to
the United States, in December following she was captured by the
Liverpool frigate, off the capes of Virginia.
In consequence of a sudden and tremendous gale, the captors could
only take out the captain and five of her crew: Dale, who was then
master’s mate, being one of the numbers.
The officers and crew, who remained onboard, retook the brig and
carried her into Baltimore. Dale was landed, with some of his fellow prisoners, at Cape
Henlopen, in January 1777. He
immediately repaired to Philadelphia, which he had no sooner reached,
than he was ordered to join the Lexington again, now commanded by
Captain Henry Johnson. This
vessel sailed from Baltimore for Bordeaux, in February or March, with
despatches. Her passage was
short and very successful, many valuable prizes being taken by her,
without delay she proceeded to Nantz, to join the United States ship
Reprisal, of sixteen six-pounders, Captain Wicks, and a cutter,
commanded by Samuel Nicholson, carrying ten four-pounders; the three
vessels to cruise in company, under the command of Captain Wicks.
This little squadron sailing from Nantz on a cruise, in May 1777,
took and sunk many prizes, and did great injury to the coasting trade of
the British islands. In the
English Channel they fell in with an English seventy-four, which gave
them chase. In consequence
if this it became necessary for the vessels of the squadron to separate.
They soon afterwards reached French ports; the Reprisal having
had a very narrow escape, which was not effected without the loss of her
guns.
After a detention of the vessels, by the French government, for
more than two months for some cause, which was never explained-young
Dale, sailed in the Lexington from Morlaix for the United States, on the
18th September 1777. On
the following morning, discovering a cutter ahead, lying by, they made
all sail and stood directly for her.
They soon discovered her to be an English cutter, mounting ten
six-pounders. The cutter,
between seven, commenced an action and eight o’clock a.m.; at which
time, such had been the extreme negligence of the commanders of the
Lexington, in not making the necessary preparations for action, that
there was not even a match ready. They
were, therefore, obliged to fire their guns by means of their muskets,
until matters were in a state of better preparation.
The action became very warm.
A calm succeeding, the Lexington could not get as near the enemy
as was wished. The action
was sustained for nearly two hours with the most determined resolution.
This, considering the manifold and heavy disadvantages under
which the American vessel laboured, was not a little astonishing, and
must be regarded as evincive of that heroic, unconquerable gallantry,
which is now an acknowledged characteristic of American seaman.
Being, however, much cut to pieces, with the loss of several
brave officers and men, and having expended almost their last shot, the
American commander deemed it prudent to avail himself of a breeze, which
just then sprang up, to crowd sail and get off.
In this he succeeded for a short time; but between one and two
o’clock p.m., the cutter overtook him.
The action was renewed with increased obstinacy on both sides.
Having maintained the unequal conflict for one hour-not only the
shot of every description, but all the iron, and other articles, which
could be used as a substitute for shot. Being expended-the brig reduced
literally to a wreck-the first lieutenant, sailing-master, captain of
marines, and a number of men being killed, and many more officers and
men severely wounded, -no alternative was left but to strike their flag
to the cutter.
Notwithstanding its unsuccessful issue, we
cannot but consider this action as reflecting lustre upon the American
name; particularly when we take into view, the great superiority in the
crew of the cutter, which exceeded that of the Lexington in numbers, but
also consisted entirely of, picked men.
Of the Lexington, on the other hand, both the officers and crew
were without experience, but few of them having ever been in an
engagement before.
About three or four days after this action, the surviving
officers and crew of the Lexington arrived in Plymouth.
The former underwent a rigorous examination before twelve judges,
the object of which was to ascertain to what country they belonged.
Both officers and men were committed to Mill prison, upon a
charge of high treason. In
this loathsome abode, they were subjected to a most cruel and severe
confinement. They were
exposed, moreover, to every indignity which was thought due to men
considered as rebels, and suffered every privation that could embitter
the loss of liberty, or add to the pain and mortification so intolerable
to their high and patriotic spirits, of being rendered useless to their
country, at this most interesting and momentous crisis.
In this situation they remained four to five months, when, in
consequence of a general complaint respecting the treatment of American
prisoners, and of the sympathy which their sufferings had excited even
in the hearts of their enemies, the sum of sixteen or seventeen thousand
pounds sterling, was subscribed for the benefit of these unfortunate
men. The subscribers
appointed a committee to inquire into the matter, who, with the sanction
of the government, visited the prison, supplied the Americans with
money, provisions, and clothing; in short, with every thing that could
alleviate their sufferings, and render their condition supportable.
It is gratifying to record such acts of disinterested
philanthropy; they dignify and ennoble our nature, and are worthy of
universal imitation. Notwithstanding
their situations was thus rendered as comfortable as a state of
confinement could be, they were determined upon attempting an escape.
Captain Johnson having communicated his plan to young dale, and
every arrangement having been made, they affected their purpose at
night, in the month of February 1778.
After wandering about for more than a week, encountering every
difficulty, and suffering still more severe privitations, they
determined, as the best means of avoiding detections, to divide their
company and pursue different courses.
After a variety of adventures, Dale and his companions reached
London, and immediately embarked onboard a trading vessel bound to
Dunkirk. The tide being
ahead they could not proceed far. On
the same day, while at anchor, an officer, with a press gang came
onboard, and arrested them on suspicion of being prisoners from Mill
prison. The following day
they underwent an examination, after which they were re-committed to the
same prison from which they had escaped.
Here for forty days, they were confined in a dungeon,
appropriately denominated the “black hole.”
After the expiration of this term, they were restored to the more
enlarged liberty of the prison, but not to all those privileges and
indulgences, which had formerly rendered their situation comparatively
comfortable.
About three months afterwards, Dale was again committed to the
“black hole,” for singing what were termed rebellious songs.
In February 1779, he again escaped from prison, repaired without
delay to London, where by fortunate management and address, he procured
a passport from the proper authority to go to France.
In a very short time he arrived at L’ Orient, where he joined,
in the character of masters mate, the renowned Paul Jones, then
commanding the American ship “Bon-Homme Richard.”
We have now reached a most interesting epoch in the life of our
adventurer. He had hitherto
acted in a very subordinate capacity, contending with difficulties the
most discouraging, and adversities that would have subdued to
despondency, a spirit less resolute and inflexible than his.
His bosom now beat high with exultation at the opening of
brighter prospects. He beheld in the character of his commander, a pledge of
happier fortunes, and enjoyed, in anticipation, a brilliant career of
glory. After three months
of unremitting employment, in manning the Bon-Homme Richard, in which
great difficulty was experienced, the discriminating eye of Captain
Jones selected Dale, to be his first lieutenant.
This mark of approbation, from one who was so good a judge of
merit, and knew so well how to appreciate it, gratified his ambition,
and encouraged and animated his hopes of fame.
The Bon-Homme Richard sailed on a cruise about the latter end of
July 1779, in company with the Alliance of thirty-six guns, the Pallas
of thirty-two guns, the brig Revenge of sixteen guns, and a cutter of
ten guns all under the command of Paul Jones.
They cruised very successfully for some time off the coast of
Ireland, when upon consultation with the different commanders, except
Captain Landais, of the Alliance, who, on account of some
misunderstanding, declined any communication with Captain Jones; it was
determined to proceed to the North sea with the Bon-Homme Richard, the
Pallas, and the Revenge. The town of Leith being marked out as the first object to
attack, every preparation was made to set fire to it, unless the
extremity should be prevented by a compliance with their terms-to wit, a
ransom of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling.
Fortunately for the town, when they were within a short distance
of it, a violent gale sprung up from W.S.W., which obliged them to run
down the firth, and go to sea. Two
or three days afterwards, when off North shields, everything was
prepared to burn the shipping, and the harbour, but the captains of the
Pallas and Revenge, thinking the adventure too hazardous it was
abandoned.
Since the commencement of their cruise, they had taken and
destroyed many valuable vessels, and proved a most serious annoyance to
the enemy’s trade.
We come now to the most prominent circumstance in life of our
subject. We allude to the
engagement between the Bon-Homme Richard and the Serapis, an English
forty-four-an engagement which was certainly one of the most interesting
ever fought; and for deeds of gallant intrepidity, and noble daring, is
not surpassed, if equalled, by any in the annals of naval history.
Having given Jone’s own account of this battle in the previous
article, we shall here notice it more briefly.
On the nineteenth of September 1779, the Bon-Homme Richard, the
Alliance, the Pallas, and the Revenge, being off Flamborough head; on
the north east coast of England, a fleet of several hundred vessels was
described. The Alliance
joined the squadron that afternoon, having been seen before since she
parted company off Ireland. Her
captain refused obedience to the signals from the Bon-Homme Richard,
during the chase, and repeatedly fired into the Bon-Homme Richard during
the action. The Revenge
took no part in the action. The
chase was discovered to be the Baltic fleet, homeward bound, under
convoy of the Serapis, of forty-four, and the Countless of Scarborough
of twenty guns. The
commander of the Serapis made a signal for the merchant ships to stand
in for the shore. After
some manoeuvring on the part of the enemy, which did not evince a
disposition to court an engagement, the Bon-Homme Richard brought the
Serapis to close action: about the same time Captain Cottineau, of the
Pallas, engaged the Countless of Scarborough.
About ten p.m., the bowsprit of the Serapis got foul of the
mizzen rigging of the Bon-Homme Richard.
While in this situation, the two ships were lashed together, the
starboard bow of the former to the starboard quarter of the latter.
A boarding party from the Scrapis attempted to board.
The officer who headed the boarders, and many men, having been
killed, the rest fell back. The action now became very warm.
The Scrapis let go her anchor, expecting that the two ships would
clear each other. She then
bought up with her head to the wind-the Bon-Homme Richard with her stern
to the wind alongside of each other.
They remained in that situation till the Serapis struck her
colours, which was done about twelve o’clock at night.
Properly to appreciate this splendid victory, we must take into
view the great superiority of the enemy in the strength of his vessel,
the number of his guns, the weight of the metal, and the amount of his
crew; add to this the disadvantages under which the action was sustained
for a very considerable time on the part of the Bon-Homme Richard.
The Serapis was what is denominated a double-decked forty-four
gun ship-she showed two rows of ports.
She was almost a new vessel, and, in every respect, one of the
finest, or, to speak more technically, one of the warmest frigates of
her class. The Bon-Homme
Richard was an old ship, having made many voyages to the East Indies,
for which trade she was originally designed.
On the score of tonnage both vessels were about equal.
The Serapis, though rated a forty-four, mounted a greater number
of guns; she carried twenty eighteen pounders on her upper deck, and
sixes on her quarterdeck and forecastle-the precise number we are unable
to state. The Bon-Homme
Richard carried forty-two guns-six eighteen-pounders on her lower deck,
twenty-eight twelve’s on her upper deck, and eight nines on her
quarterdeck and forecastle. With
respect to the crews of the ships, they nominally, were equal; but from
that of the Bon-Homme Richard there had been sent previously to the
action, several detachments to man prizes.
Besides this, just before discovering the Baltic fleet, a second
lieutenant, a midshipman, and six men, were despatched in a pilot boat
to take some small vessels that were in sight; these did not return till
after the action; so that the crew was considerably reduced; and there
was left onboard but one lieutenant, and a very inadequate number of
subordinate officers. The
crew of this ship, moreover, was a heterogeneous compound of Americans,
and natives, and subjects of almost all the European nations-so that in
conversation many of them could not understand each other.
Besides these original disadvantages, there were others of a more
alarming nature, which were the consequence of accident during the
battle, or of damage received from the enemy, under which, however, the
bloody conflict was maintained for one hour.
Two of the eighteen pounders on the lower deck burst the first
fire, and did considerable damage; they blew up part of the upper gun
deck. The guns in that
direction were no longer serviceable.
Many men were killed and wounded by the accident.
About an hour before the enemy struck their colours, it was
reported and believed onboard the Bon-Homme Richard that she was
sinking. So great was the
consequent alarm that the master at arms let loose all the prisoners,
who had been confined in the after hold, that they might, in the general
effort to preserve life take care of themselves.
They became exceedingly terrified, and occasioned much confusion
onboard. The pumps were
constantly at work. The
carpenter was ordered into the pump well to ascertain the depth of water
in the ship. His report
was, that it was up to his chin. Lieutenant
Dale was then ordered down to the lower deck, to see how near the water
was to the lower ports. To
allay the excessive alarm, he reported that he did not perceive that she
had settled much in the water. At
this critical juncture, one of the captains, who had been left out of
confinement jumped onboard the Serapis, and informed her captain, that
if he would hold out a little longer the American ship must strike or
sink; adding, that in order to give them a chance for their lives, all
the prisoners had been released. At
this dreadful and critical moment, moreover, the action on the part of
the American ship was completely at a stand, in consequence of the
communication with the magazine being stopped.
The sentinels, who were placed in the passage leading to the
magazine, seeing many strange faces, deemed it prudent to bar all access
to it. Lieutenant Dale went
below to ascertain the cause of withholding the powder.
He now, for the first time, knew that the prisoners had been let
out. Having explained the
matter to the sentinels, and taken the proper precautions against a
recurrence of the difficulty he returned to the deck.
By this time the contest was reduced to three guns on the
enemy’s lower deck, and three on the quarter deck of the Bon-Homme
Richard.
About this period a circumstance occurred, which as it is
characteristic of Captain Jones, may be worthy of notice.
The surgeon of the ship came up from the cockpit in great
apprehension, and asked the Captain if he would not strike, as the
vessel was sinking? “What!
Doctor,” said Jones, “Would you have me strike to a drop of
water? Here, help me get
this gun over.” The
doctor, however, not caring to step beyond the sphere of his immediate
duty, soon found his way back to the cockpit.
Our readers will, no doubt, inquire after the fate of the other
vessels originally in company with the Bon-Homme Richard.
It will be recollected that the Pallas engaged the Contess of
Scarborough. The action was
maintained for some time with Great Spirit.
Victory, at length, declared in favour of the Pallas, the
American ship. It is with
pain that we take any notice of Captain Landais, of the Alliance; but
his conduct it is a necessary link in the chain of our narrative.
Besides, a statement of it is necessary to account for the
comparatively unfavourable result of the engagement-unfavourable so far
as regards the appointment of the hopes of the American officers, of
taking or destroying the whole of the convoy.
Landais paid no regard to the signals from the Bon-Homme Richard
during the chase and action; but at the commencement of the action the
Alliance took her station between the Serapis and Bon-Homme Richard, and
the Countess of Scarborough and Pallas.
In this situation she remained perfectly inactive and aloof from
danger, until the Countess of Scarborough struck to the Pallas;
whereupon, Landais made sail for the Pallas, to know what ship she had
taken, and also to ascertain what ship was engaged with the Bon-Homme
Richard. Upon receiving the
information sought for, he made sail towards the latter ship, with the
intention, as he afterwards said, of assisting her. It was not long, however, before he reached her; and when he
did, he was hailed and ordered to lay the Serapis aboard on the larboard
side-but notwithstanding the night signals were made, and the night was
sufficiently light to discover the relative situation of the two
ships-disregarding his orders, he fired a broadside into the Bon-Homme
Richard, which killed her master’s mate, boatswain’s mate, and
wounded many of her men, without doing an injury to the enemy.
After this Landais stood some distance on his course, and then
tacking, ran down athwart the stern of the Serapis, and the Bon-Homme
Richard’s bows, and fired another broadside, which raked both ships.
Shortly after this, the Serapis struck her colours.
Lieutenant Dale swung, by means of a rope, from the deck of the
Bon-Homme Richard to that of the Serapis.
He was the first onboard, and was followed by a midshipman and
several men. There was but
one man on the deck of the Serapis at this time; the rest were below. Those on the upper deck, not knowing that their flag was
struck made a feeble resistance, which was soon overcome, and quiet
possession taken of the ship.
The condition of the ships was such as might be expected from the
length and sanguinary obstinacy of the engagement.
They had been lying nearly two hours alongside of each other, at
such close quarters, that in loading the guns, the rammers touched the
side, or were protruded into the portholes of the other ship. The wadding lodged in the rigging and hulls; and, at times,
both vessels were literally enveloped in flames.
During the action one of the men in the maintop of the Bon-Homme
Richard, ventured out on the main yard, which passed directly over the
main hatchway of the Serapis, and dropped some hand grenades into her.
These coming into contact with some cartridges which had been
left on the decks, the whole exploded, and the consequences were most
destructive, very few of those who were near escaping unhurt.
Lieutenant Dale, after taking possession of the ship, found
himself deprived of the use of one of his legs, in consequence of a
severe wound which he had received in the ankle, but which he had
scarcely felt during the bustle of the engagement.
On board the Bon-Homme Richard there were forty-nine killed, and
sixty-seven wounded; many of the latter having lost there arms and legs.
According to the accounts of the officers of the Serapis, at the
time, her amount of killed and wounded were precisely the same.
The Bon-Homme Richard being in a very shattered condition, and it
being impossible to free her of water, it was thought that to abandon
her. Her crew was
accordingly removed to the Serapis.
She sunk the next day. The rest of the squadron sailed for the
Texel, where they arrived in eight or ten days.
Here Captain Jones took the command of the Alliance, Landais
having been ordered to proceed to Paris, and thence to America to stand
a trial for his extraordinary conduct during the cruise and action.
The captain of the Pallas took command of the Serapis.
This Alliance sailed from the Texel, in January 1780, on a
cruise, and arrived at L’Orient in the following March.
Jones went to Paris; - Landais, who arrived at L’Orient in his
absence, availed himself of this opportunity to attempt a recovery of
the command of the Alliance. By
tampering with many of the officers who had served with him and aided by
the influence of Artur Less, one of our public functionaries at the
French Court, who was not well disposed towards Jones, he succeeded in
attaining his object. Landais endeavoured to prevail upon Lieutenant Dale to join
him. But he remained
faithful to his commander, refusing to acknowledge the authority of
Landais, and avowed him willing and anxious to attempt the recovery of
the ship, even at the hazard of his life.
The King of France authorised Jones to use the guns of the fort
to stop the Alliance. He
did not, however, avail himself of this authority, as he was unwilling
to hazard the serious consequences that would have ensued to the ship
and her crew. The Alliance
sailed for America in July.
The King accommodated Jones with the Ariel, a British twenty-gun
ship that had been captured by a French frigate.
After some time spent in manning her, and preparing her for sea,
they sailed for America in October.
They had not proceeded far, when they were reproduced to the
greatest extremity of distress, in consequence of a tremendous gale.
They were obliged to return to port, where the refitted and
sailing again for America about the 1st of January 1781,
arrived at Philadelphia on the eighteenth of February following. In May 1781, the bay of Delawaren was such infested by the
refugees, who intercepted suppliers going to Philadelphia.
The schooners belonging to the state ere armed and mannded from
the Ariel, Lieutenant Dale was ordered by Jones to proceed with them
down the bay, to disperse thee marauders, and convoy the full public
stores to the city. This
service was successfully executed.
About this time Jones was appointed to the command of a seventy
for, then building to the northward.
He solicited lieutenant Dale to go with him; a proposal which he
declined thinking it would be a long time before she would be ready for
sea.
In June Lieutenant Dale as appointed to the Trumball frigate, of
thirty-two guns, commanded by captain James Nicholson, that vessel Saild
from the Capes of Delaware, some time in July 1781.
She had been out but a few hours, when she fell in with a British
frigate and sloop of war. They
gave chase to the Trumbull. The
latter had her foretopmast and fore topgallant mast carried away in the
chase, and was otherwise much crippled in her sails and rigging. The night being exceedingly dark and stormy Captain Nicholson
supposed he might elude the enemy by putting his ship about ahead before
the wind; this was found his ship immediately alongside of the enemy,
who seemed to have anticipated its manoeuvres.
So great was the surprise, that the Trumbull was entirely
unprepared-the men not at their quarters, and it was with great
difficulty that they could man even a few of their guns.
Under these circumstances, having been so much crippled by the
gale, and the enemy’s force being so vastly superior, the Trumbull
struck her colours, after a spirited but short resistance.
Lieutenant Dale was wounded in this recontre.
The second day after this he arrived ay New York, a prisoner, and
was put on parole at Long Island; he was soon afterwards exchanged, and
returned to Philadelphia, in November 1781.
The government having an immediate occasion for his services, he
engaged in the merchant service; having no relish for an inactive life.
He entered on board the Queen of France a large ship mounting
twelve sixes first as chief officer afterwards as captain.
In the latter capacity he sailed in the spring of 1782, for
L’Orient capacity he sailed in the spring of 1782, for L’Orient, in
company with a formidable squadron of letters of marquee.
During the voyage they made many valuable prizes.
The Queen of France having separated from the rest of the
squadron fell in with a British privateer brig, mounting fourteen sixes.
A severe conflict ensued in which both vessels sustained very
serious damage. They parted
by mutual consent. Captain
Dale returned to Philadelphia in February 1783.
Upon the conclusion of peace, there was no provision made for
neither the navy nor its officers.
Captain Dale became interested in a large ship in the London
trade in the command of which he sailed for London, in December 1783.
From this period to May 1790 we find him, unremittingly and
lucratively employed in the East India trade in which he commanded
several of the finest ships engaged in the employ.
In September 1791, he married, and until June 1794, continued
engaged in the merchant service.
About the latter period; the government appointed six captains
for the naval establishment, for which provision had just been made.
Captain Dale was one of them, and the fourth in rank.
He was appointed to superintend the building of a frigate of the
first class, at Norfolk. The
Government, however, afterwards deferred building her.
He immediately obtained a furlough, and sailed in the command of
a valuable ship for Canton. He
continued industriously engaged in this trade till May 1798, when he
commanded the ship Ganges. About
this period our disputes with France seemed to be approaching to a
crisis. War was generally
expected. Under this
apprehension the government purchased several large ships, for the
purpose of converting them into men of war. Captain Dale was appointed to the command of the Ganges, one
of the purchased ships. She
was equipped for service; mounted twenty-nine pounders and had a crew of
one hundred and fifty men. Soon
after this, some misunderstanding arose with respect to rank; Captain
Dale obtained a furlough until the matter could be adjusted.
In May 1799, he sailed for Canton, in the command of the ship
Canton, mounting twenty guns, with a crew of seventy men.
He returned to Philadelphia, in April 1800, and was happy to find
that the point of rank had been settled to his entire satisfaction.
He received orders from the navy department to hold himself n
readiness, as employment would soon offer.
Accordingly in May 1801, he was appointed to the command of the
squadron of observation, about to sail from Hampton Roads to the
Mediterranean. On the
twenty-first of May he hoisted his broad pennant onboard the frigate
President. On the first of
June he sailed with the squadron, consisting of the following vessels:
the President, Captain James Barron; the Philadelphia, Captain
Samuel Barros; the Essex, Captain William Bainbridge; and the schooner
enterprise, Lieutenant Andrew Stewart.
The squadron arrived at Gibraltar on the first of July.
They found lying there, the high-admiral of Tripoli, in a ship
mounting twenty-six nines and sixes, and two hundred and sixty men; and
a brig of sixteen gun, and one hundred and sixty men.
He had arrived only the day before the squadron.
It was very evident that the Bay of Tripoli had declared, or was
about to declare war against the United State; and that it was the
intention of the Admiral to cruise against the American vessels in the
Western Ocean although he disavowed any knowledge of hostile intentions
on the part of the Bay his master.
Had the Admiral got out, he would have swept the ocean of the
American trade, which at that time was very active in those seas.
It became an object of primary importance to prevent his escape;
and for this purpose Captain Samuel Barron, of the Philadelphia frigate,
was ordered by the Commodore to lie off Gibraltar, in order to watch the
movements of the Admiral, and if he ventured out, to capture him
despairing or eluding the vigilance of the blockading squadron, the
Admiral very soon dismantled his vessels and discharged his crews; and
thus one considerable means of annoyance was, to all useful purposes,
destroyed.
The hostile intentions of the Bay were placed yond a doubt, by
authentic information obtained in the Mediterranean.
After distributing the other vessels of the squadron, in
different directions, wherever their protection was most needed by the
American trade, the Commodore repaired to Tripoli-arriving off that
place in July. He opened a correspondence with the Bay, without producing
any satisfactory results. A
strict blockade of the Port was kept up for some time.
Nothing could have been more opportune than the arrival of the
squadron in the Mediterranean at that time, as the Tripolitan corsairs
had been ordered to capture all American vessels they should fall in
with. So efficient was the
protection given to the American trade, by the vigilance and exertions
of every officer of the squadron, that not a single capture was made.
In March 1802, the Commodore sailed for the United States, and
arrived in Hampton roads in April following.
In the fall of 1802, he received an order from the Navy
Department to hold himself in readiness to take command of the squadron,
which was to sail in the following spring for the Mediterranean.
In the order, he was informed that he could not have a captain
under him, as he had before. However
sensible of the honour conferred upon him, in thus selecting him the
second time for so important a command, he did not hesitate to decline
the appointment. A proper
regard for the honour of his country, and for his own character, would
not permit him to return to the command in a less dignified station than
he had enjoyed before. The
alternative was presented, of accepting, under such humiliating terms,
or resignation. The
Commodore did not hesitate to choose the latter, particularly as there
were captains out of employ who were anxious for the appointment.
Commodore Dale now relinquished his profession: but at a proper
period he devoted his two sons to the naval service of his country, for
which he still retained the liveliest interest.
He entered into full communion with the Protestant Episcopal
Church many years previous to his death, and in this relation sustained
the character of a consistent Christian.
He originated a Mariners Church in Philadelphia, and for a number
of years attended it in person every Sunday afternoon.
His purse was ever open to aid the needy; and much of his time
was devoted to the bestowment of charity; and he extended, particularly,
a generous care over mariners, which was not confined to the interests
of this life.
The close of Dale’s life was calm and happy; and although he
was called to weep the loss of his eldest son, who received his death
wounds on the President, in an action with the British squadron, -yet
with the fortitude of a Christian and a patriot he could bear the
afflictions, for he had devoted the youth to his country’s service.
Dale expired at Philadelphia, on the 26th of February
1826, in peace with God and man.
Commodore Dale had several children, of whom three sons lived to
the age of manhood. The
eldest fell a midshipman, onboard the President; the second is now a
commander in the navy; the youngest is a merchant of Philadelphia.
Of his two daughters, the elder was married to Judge Pettit and
is since deceased; and the younger is the wife of Commodore Read.
Mr. Cooper thus describes the character of Commodore Dale:
-
“In considering the character of Dale, we are struck with its
simple modesty and frank sincerity, quite as much as with its more
brilliant qualities. His
courage and constancy were of the highest order, rendering him always
equal to the most critical duties, and never wearying in their
performance. Such a man is
perfectly free from all exaggeration.
As he was not afraid to act when his cooler judgement approved,
he had no distrusts to overcome ere he could forbear, as prudence
dictated. Jones found him a
man ready and willing to second all his boldest and most hazardous
attempts, so long as reasons showed the probabilities of success; but
the deed done, none more thoroughly stripped it of all false colouring,
or viewed it in a truer light than he who had risked his life in aiding
to achieve it.
“The person of Dale was in harmony with his moral qualities.
It was manly, seaman-like, and of singularly respectable bearing.
Simplicity, good faith, truth and courage were imprinted on his
countenance, which all who were thrown into his company soon discovered
was no more than the mirror of his mind.
They navy has had more brilliant intellects, officers of
profounder mental attainments, and of higher natural gifts, but it has
had few leaders of cooler judgement, sounder discretion, more inflexible
justice, or indomitable resolution.
He was of a nature, an experience, and a professional skill to
command respect and to inspire confidence, -tributes that were
cheerfully paid by all who served under his orders.
The writer of this article has had extensive opportunities of
hearing character discussed among the sea officers of his country; few
escape criticism, of some sort of other, for their professional acts,
and fewer still as men; yet he cannot recall a single instance in which
he has ever heard a whisper of complaint against the public or private
career of Richard Dale. This
total exemption from the usual fortunes of the race, may, in part, be
owing to the shortness of the latter’s service in the present marine,
and to the limited acquaintance of his contemparies; but it is difficult
to believe that it is not chiefly to be ascribed to the thoroughly
seaman like character of the officer, and to the perfect truth and
sterling probity of the man.” |
|
Alexander Murray
Commodore Alexander Murray was born in Chestertown,
Maryland on the 12th day of July 1755 of honest and
respectable parents. From
early life he was devoted to the watery element; and, at the age of
eighteen, commanded a vessel in the European trade. The revolution shortly after breaking out zealously attached
to the cause of his country, he forsook the merchant service, and was
appointed a lieutenant in the First Maryland regiment, commanded by
Colonel smallwood. He had
previously received an appointment to the same station in the navy, but
as we had no frigate then in service, he entered the army.
He took an early and conspicuous part in the hard-fought battles
than ensued at Whiteplains, Flatbush, York, & c.
His sense of hearing was much impaired by the explosion of sundry
pieces of cannon, on the New York battery, while firing at the enemy’s
fleet, on their passage up the North river.
At the close of this campaign he was severely afflicted by
chronic complaints, and was compelled to retire, soon after having been
appointed to the rank of captain in the second regiment.
At this time two hundred effective men only returned, out of nine
hundred that marched from Annapolis; the rest having been either killed,
or taken, or having fallen victims to the maladies of the camp.
On the re-establishment of his health, Captain Murray resumed his
rank in the navy. As there
were no public ships ready for service, he was appointed, at various
times, to command sundry letters of marque, repeatedly passing and
repassing the enemy’s fleet, and seldom escaping without a battle.
One of these engagements is worthy of record: - Having been
appointed to the command of the Revenge, a letter of marque, carrying
eighteen six-pounders, with a complement of fifty men only, he sailed
from Baltimore for Holland. He
had the chief command of all the vessels then lying at that port, bound
on foreign voyages, some of which were well armed.
Meeting with the enemy’s force much superior, he was compelled
to return with his fleet, consisting of forty vessels, and to seek
refuge in the river Patuxent. The number afterwards increased to about fifty sail; the
commanders of which all agreed to fight their way through the opposing
squadron. With this
determination they put to sea, when a fleet of privateers hove in sight. A signal was made for all the unarmed vessels to return, and
for the remainder to rally round their commander.
The enemy’s fleet consisting of one ship of eighteen guns, one
brig of sixteen, and three privateer schooners stood for the body of the
fleet. One brig and one
schooner only obeyed Captain Murray’s signal to rally.
He soon discovered himself lying between the ship and the brig,
when a severe engagement ensued; Captain Murray kept up an incessant
fire from both broadsides, and in an hour’s time had the satisfaction
to see his enemies haul off, after having sustained much damage.
The brig and the schooner likewise behaved extremely well, and
repelled the assaults of their adversaries.
Captain Murray, after this action, returned to Hampton roads to
refit; hiss ails and rigging were much injured, but fortunately no lives
were lost; few only were wounded, himself amongst the number.
After Captain Murray had repaired his vessel, he sailed for the
banks of Newfoundland, and was unfortunately overtaken and surrounded by
an English fleet, of one hundred and fifty men of war and transports,
bound to New York. He was
pursued and captured by a frigate.
The captain and lieutenant were his intimate friends, from whom
he received every kindness and attention.
He at last arrived in Philadelphia, where he was regularly
exchanged.
The United States frigate Trumbull, of thirty-two guns, commanded
by his gallant friend and relation, the late Captain Nicholson, was then
ready for service. This
officer had before distinguished himself, in a very severe engagement
off New York, with a British ship of war called the Wyatt.
She was manned with a picked crew, and sent expressly to take the
Trumbull. The action continued for two hours; both ships received much
injury, and a dreadful carnage ensued.
The British ship hauled off, and was towed into New York.
The Captain being asked the name of the Trumbull’s commander,
replied that he must be either Paul Jones or the Devil-for never was a
ship fought before with such frantic desperation.
Captain Nicholson likewise to put into port to repair; and when
he sailed on his second cruise, Captain Murray volunteered his services
as a lieutenant; and he had the pleasure of finding his gallant friend,
the late Commodore Dale, one of the lieutenants onboard likewise.
In the midst of a violent gale, accompanied by thunder and
lightening, the Trumbull; lost her foretopmast.
When the storm abated, the crew discovered them to be close
onboard an English frigate. All
hands were nevertheless; called to there quarters, and a dreadful action
ensued. At the time when
the enemy’s fire began to slacken, it was discovered that most of the
battle lanterns were extinguished, and that the crew had fled from their
stations. A second English
ship was laid along the stern of the Trumbull, which poured in her
raking broadsides, and put an end to the action.
Two of the lieutenants, with Lieutenant Murray, were severely
wounded; and one third of the crew were either killed or disabled.
The Trumbull was the next day towed into New York, without a mast
standing, and several other gun ports beat into one.
After Captain Murray had recovered from his wounds, he repaired
to Baltimore, where he was furnished with another fine brig, a letter of
marque. As he was unable to
procure a complement of men and guns, he took a cargo of tobacco, and
went on an intended voyage to St. Croix.
When he sailed from Hampton roads he had only five six-pounders
onboard, and the crew amounted to no more than twenty-five men.
A privateer of fourteen guns, and one hundred men, came
alongside, by superior sailing, and lay fast on his quarter.
The five guns were brought to bear, and the privateer was
repelled. Perceiving Captain Murray’s weakness, the attack was
renewed with redoubled fury, while his own guns were perpetually shifted
side to side, as occasion demanded.
In attempting to board, the privateer was again driven back, but
succeeded in carrying away the masts, leaving not a stick of timber
standing but the mainmast and the stump of the bowsprit.
A final and desperate attempt was at length made to board, but
the crew of the privateer, with the loss of half their number, were
again repulsed. This action continued for two hours. Captain Murray, after much hazard, arrived in safety at St.
Thomas, where he made sale of his cargo.
Having refitted at this place, he
captured a British packet by stratagem, in the Gulf of Florida, without
firing a gun, and brought his prize into the Havanna.
An embargo was laid at this port in consequence of an expedition
then fitting out against the Bahama Islands, in which he obtained a
command. Several other
American vessels, lying in port, were armed and attached to this
expedition, which set sail with a large fleet of Spanish transports,
carrying five thousand men, under the American flag.
Captain Murray arrived off New Providence, and the wind blowing
hard, no alternative was left but either to attack a fort well mounted
with heavy ordnance, or to be driven on shore by the violence of the
gale. The former of these
alternatives he adopted, and entering the port, summoned the fort to
surrender. This was
immediately done, and the Spanish flag waved triumphantly on the
ramparts.
The Governor and his aid, (since the noted General Mniranda,)
which both sailed onboard Captain Murray’s ship, were engaged in
forming the terms of capitulation.
The subject of the present memoir that an unconditional surrender
might be obtained as the principal forts were then in their possession
in vain suggested it to Miranda. Miranda,
then a captain of Spanish grenadiers, mortified at the thought that the
Americans should have so large a share in the glory of the enterprise,
made shameful and disgraceful terms of capitulation.
A controversy with Miranda ensued, which ended in a formal
challenge on the part of Captain Murray.
That officer, believing, with Falstaff, that “the better part
of valour was discretion,” refused to answer the call.
Captain Murray, after a successful voyage, arrived at Baltimore,
and was ordered onboard the Alliance frigate, as first lieutenant, under
the command of his old friend, the gallant Commodore Barry.
Peace, in a short time, ensued between the United States and
England; and after the ratification was signed, Captain Murray was the
last officer who held a commission in the Naval service.
He had been in thirteen battles in the army and navy, was
frequently wounded, and often taken prisoner; which was the only thing
that ever withdrew him, for a moment, from active and honourable
engagement in the service. During
the administration of President Adams, at the commencement of our
hostilities with France, the name of Captain Murray was found amongst
the first officers appointed in the navy.
He repaired to Baltimore, and took the command of the United
States ship Montezuma, of twenty-four guns; cruised for eight months
along the whole range of the West India islands, and conveyed nearly one
hundred sail to the different ports of the United States, without the
loss of a single vessel. Returning,
he arrived at the Delaware, received the public thanks of the President,
and was ordered to the command of the Insurgent.
With a crew of three hundred and twenty men he repaired onboard
of this ship, and sailed under a roving commission.
Understanding that the French frigate Ambuscade was in the
neighbourhood of the West India islands, he cruised therefore several
weeks, and put into the port of Lisbon to recruit his provisions.
He next proceeded, in company with the British frigate Phaeton,
onboard of which was Lord Elgin and suite, in quest of two French
frigates, reported to be cruising off Cape St. Vincent, with whom he
sailed until her arrival at the Straits of Gibraltar.
He then blockaded two large French corvettes in the bay of Cadiz;
but hearing that French privateers at algeziras watched a number of
American vessels, he repaired to Gibraltar for information.
Here Admiral Duckworth was anchored with a fleet of several ships
of the line, from which he received every testimonial of civility and
kindness. He next cruised
off Madeira and the Canary isles; but never obtained a sight of the
enemy, the two corvettes accepted.
Receiving information that the French frigate Volunteer, of
forty-four guns, was cruising off Cayenne, he arrived at that port,
where he under stood she had sailed for Guadaloupe.
At length he discovered this frigate, of which he had been so
long in chase, at Point Petre, where he blockaded her until all his
provisions were consumed, and repaired to St. Christopher’s to
recruit. On returning to
renew the blockade, he fell in company with the Constellation, and
learnt from the gallant Truxton that the frigate was the Vengeance.
The particulars of that memorable battle are too well known to
require a specific detail. The
Constellation, then in a crippled state, and the Insurgent, sailed in
company to Jamaica, for the purpose of refitting; where the two American
officers experienced every kindness and courtesy from Sir Hyde Parker,
who commanded on that station.
Captain
Murray received orders from Havana to return to America.
Meeting with strong and heavy gales, and a lee current, the ship
sustained much injury, and it was with the greatest difficulty that she
was brought into Baltimore; thus terminating a cruise of nine months,
never longer than a week in one port, and his ship almost reduced to a
wreck-the bolts and nails starting from her decks and sides in every
gale.
Scarcely had he time to visit his family’s at Norfolk before he
received orders to take the command of the Constellation, Commodore
Truxton having been transferred to the President.
His first cruise was for the Leeward Islands, where he relieved
Captain Talbot, of the Constitution, off Cape Francais.
He had several sloops of war, brigs, & c., under his command;
and such were his arrangements, that our trade in that quarter was
effectually protected-not a single capture having been made by the
French cruisers.
While sailing in quest of the French frigate Vengeance, after the
action with Commodore Truxton, he received information of her capture by
the English. He was
afterwards relieved by Captain Sevier, in the frigate Congress, and set
out on his return to the Delaware.
Passing through the Bahama Straits, he stopped at the Havana, to
convoy some American vessels, and was introduced to the Viceroy of
Mexico and his lady, on their route to Spain, by whom he was noticed
with every mark of cordial respect, participating in all the splendid
entertainments given by them to the principal inhabitants of that place.
His stores being replenished, he sailed for the Windward isles,
and on his passage encountered a dreadful gale, where he had nearly
foundered, and was on the eve of cutting away his masts, when the storm
abated. He proceeded onward
towards Guadaloupe, and fell in with the British frigate Magnanimie, of
forty-four guns, in a dark night, from which a gun was fired without the
preliminary ceremony of showing a signal.
At this moment, Captain Murray’s wardroom officers crowded
around him, indignant at the insult offered to the American flag, and
anxiously inquired if he did not intend to return the fire.
He sternly ordered them instantly to their quarters, without
deigning to give any other reply to their urgent interrogations. Disgusted, they obeyed the command, suspecting no very
honourable motives for such haughtiness, coldness, and reserve. It requires but very little aid from fancy to observe by the
light of the battle lanterns, this little group of officers at their
guns, bending their full, expressive, and indignant looks on their
commander; their eyes gleaming with reproaches which their tongues dare
not utter. From him they
cast their eyes upon each other, and their silent glances, accompanied
by shrugs and indignant smiles, emphatically expressed what opinion was
prevalent. The captain, meanwhile maintaining a cold tranquillity of
deportment, saw and enjoyed the scene, appearing perfectly unconscious
of the impression, which his orders had made.
The silent interchange of thoughts and sensations-more eloquent,
however, than all the powers of language-lasted for some time.
Not a word was spoken-all was attention and dumb resentment.
These officers, at length, to their astonishment and delight,
received orders from their commander to return the salute with a full
broadside. Another train of
sensations occurred, and the frowns of anger were exchanged for gleams
of the fondest admiration. The
orders were promptly executed, when an explanation ensued, and precluded
further hostility.
The next day he captured a French lugger, of eighteen guns, from
which he received the first intelligence that preliminaries of peace had
been signed between the two belligerents; and falling in with Admiral
Ducksworth, these tidings were confirmed.
Arriving off Point Petre, he sent a flag of truce to the French
commissioner, by whom he was invited on shore, and was carried, received
with every testimonial of respect.
Feux de joie were fired from the forts as he passed, and during
the two days of his residence at that place, all was hilarity and mirth.
He communicated the pacific intelligence to the other American
commanders with whom he fell in, and sailed with a convoy for
Philadelphia.
The act of Congress reducing the navy was now passed, and the
Commodore was one of the thirteen still retained in the service.
He received orders to repair to the Mediterranean, to protect the
American commerce in that quarter from the ravages of the Tripolitan
cruisers. Commodore Truxton
was originally destined to take the command in the Mediterranean; his
controversy with government and his resignation are well known.
Captain Murray, in the Constellation, sailed in pursuance of his
orders, and when he arrived in the Straits, was informed by the British
Admiral, Sir James Saumarez, that the Philadelphia and Essex frigates
lay at Malaga, where the two commanders, Bainbridge and Barron, were
anxiously waiting to be relieved. As
senior officer, he permitted their return to the United States.
While lying in that part, awaiting instructions from his
government, he was informed by Lord Keith, the British admiral on that
station, of the daily expectation of the arrival of his Royal Highness,
the Duke of Kent. Desiring to pay the Royal Duke every mark of respect, the
Admiral invited Commodore Murray to join, if it was not inconsistent
with his arrangements. The
Commodore, with his usual courtesy agreed, and the first rank was
assigned to him after the Admiral’s own flag.
As soon as the royal standard was discovered in the bay, the
British fleet, consisting of twelve sail, fired a salute, followed by
the American frigates, and then the Portuguese and Danish men of war.
The yards were all manned, and in this manner they escorted his
Royal Highness on shore, Lord Keith leading the van in company with the
Royal Duke. They then
repaired to the parade ground, where they were all presented to his
Royal Highness in form, in the centre of a hollow square formed by a
garrison of five thousand men. When
this ceremony was ended, they marched round, and at the head of each
regiment were received with military music, and a feu de joie was fired
in rotation from all the cannon in the batteries.
Commodore Murray had a long and familiar conversation with his
Royal Highness, which was several times repeated, and always with the
warmest declarations of his respect and regard for the Americans.
The next day he received a polite note from Lord Keith, in which
the Admiral says, “I am commanded by his Royal Highness, the Duke of
Kent, to make his public thanks to you, and to the officers commanding
the American frigates, for their courtesy and attention to him
yesterday, in his own person, and that of the British nation.”
On the day following,
the Philadelphia and Essex having departed from the United States,
Commodore Murray proceeded up the Mediterranean with valuable presents
from his government to the Bay of Tunis, sent from England by our
Minister, Mr King, which he delivered.
From this port he sailed for Tripoli, and fell in with the Boston
and two Swedish frigates, with which he concerted a plan for a vigorous
blockade. As the Boston was
compelled to put into Malta to repair, and the Swedish ships of war into
Malta to repair, and the Swedish ships of war to go away in quest of
provision, Commodore Murray was left alone in sight of the town for
several weeks. He repaired
to Syracuse for provisions, and in the mean time very advantageous terms
of peace were offered to him by the Bashaw; to which, as he had no
powers from his own government, he was unable to accede.
He was once becalmed, when all the Tripolitan gunboats attacked
him, and the contest was maintained for an hour.
A light breeze springing up, he brought his guns to bear, and
distributed amongst them such showers of grape, that they never annoyed
him afterwards.
Commodore Murray visited the ex-bashaw at Malta, where he went in
quest of provisions. He was
an interesting and well-disposed Turk, of free and easy manners.
He detailed in the Commodore, at great length, the sufferings and
oppressions imposed on him by his brother, and solicited has assistance;
but the Commodore was unable to serve him, and could only breathe a
fervent prayer for his success. His
brother, the Bashaw, was a tyrant, whose heart was impenetrable to the
touches of mercy and compassion.
He remained four months before Tripoli, awaiting the orders of
his government. At length
he went to Palermo, to inquire if any American Vessels required convoy,
when he heard that Captain Morris, in the Chesapeake, had arrived in the
Mediterranean. He touched
at Naples, and remained there until his rudder was repaired, during
which time he was introduced to the diplomatic corps, and to the
principal nobility of the place, participating in all the courtesy and
hospitality of their tables. These compliments he requited by invitations onboard his
frigate.
At Leghorn he met with Captain Morris, with whom he arranged all
matters respecting his future course, and sailed down the Straits with a
convoy. He proceeded as far
as the Gulf of Lyons, encountering many severe gales, and was compelled
to put into Malaga, for the purpose of fishing his mast, which had
sprung by the violence of the gale.
Here he met with Captain Rodgers, in the frigate John Adams, who
put into his hands an open letter from the Secretary of the Navy,
directed to Captain Morris, enjoining him to despatch the Constellation
and some other vessels of war home. As Captain Morris was then thirteen hundred miles distant, he
returned to America, after having informed that officer by letter of his
motives for so doing. He
sailed with a fleet of upwards of one hundred vessels, under his convoy,
and arrived at Washington, where his ship was dismantled.
He remained for a period in the bosom of domestic retirement,
from whence he was summoned to take command of the Adams, and cruise off
the American coast, which was then infested with French privateers.
He cruised for some time along the coasts of Carolina and
Georgia, in a tempestuous season of the year, until the ship was almost
a wreck, when he returned to Washington, where she was laid up.
Commodore Murray’s last appointment was that of commander of
the navy yard in Philadelphia,-a post in which he rendered important
services, and gave universal satisfaction.
He held it during the rest of his life.
He died October 6th 1820, at his seat near
Philadelphia. His remains
were interred with the highest honours.
He united to the highest firmness and resolution, a remarkable
mildness and suavity of temper. Few
men were personally more beloved. The
invalid, the battered and disabled seaman, returning from the disasters
of war or shipwreck, ever found in him a generous friend. |
|
John Barry
The Career of this distinguished officer commences
with the infancy of our navy, and is marked by many brilliant services.
His name occurs in connection with not a few of the more
remarkable events in the history of the revolutionary war, and always
with credit to himself, and honour to the flag under which he sailed.
Few commanders in the navy were employed in a greater variety of
service, or met the enemy under greater disadvantages.
Yet, in no one of the numerous actions in which he was engaged,
did Commodore Barry ever fail to acquit himself of his duty in a manner
becoming a skilful seaman and an able warrior.
Commodore Barry was born in the county of Wexford, in the Kingdom
of Ireland, in the year 1745. His
father was a highly respectable farmer, under whose roof he received the
first impressions of that ingenuousness, and that high-toned magnanimity
which were conspicuous attributes of his character.
At a very early age he manifested a strong inclination to follow
the sea. His father was induced to gratify his desires, and he was put
onboard a merchantman, in which service he continued several years.
The opportunities afforded by the intermissions of his
opportunities afforded by the intermissions of his voyages, were
improved to his advantage, by applying himself to the acquisition of
knowledge. Possessed of a
strong and active mind, he was enabled, with indefatigable industry, to
acquire a good parochial education.
In the fourteenth or fifteenth year of his age he arrived in
America, which he immediately determined to make the country of his
adoption. In his new
situation he was not long without employment, but applied himself
diligently to his new profession, and, in a very short time, his
nautical skill, the steadiness of his habits, and the integrity of his
character, recommended him, successively, to some of the most
respectable merchants of that day.
He was long in the service of Mr. Reese Meredith, Messrs Willing
and Norris, and Mr Nixon. While
in the employ of the latter gentleman, he commanded a very valuable
ship, in the London trade, called the Black Prince, which was afterwards
our chased by the Congress for a vessel of war.
During his continuance with those gentlemen he possessed their
unreserved confidence; they always spoke of him in terms of the highest
approbation; his connection with them was the ground of a friendship,
reciprocal, sincere, and lasting. He
thus continued, growing in reputation, and acquiring by industry and
perseverance, a decent competency, until the controversy between the
mother country and her then colonies gave a new direction to thought,
and opened new prospects to ambition.
He could not but feel a deep interest in passing events; he did
not hesitate as to the part he should act, as the bias of his youth was
in favour of liberty. At
that interesting crisis, when Great Britain sent her veteran armies and
powerful navies, to coerce a compliance with her unjust demands; and
when all but men struggling for their liberty would have deemed
resistance folly, it became important to select officers whose valour
and discretion, whose experience and skill would give the utmost
efficiency to our insignificant means of defence and annoyance.
The rare union in Commodore Barry of all these qualities,
recommended him to the notice of Congress, and that body with one of the
first naval commissions honoured him.
In February 1776 he was appointed to the command of the brig
Lexington, of sixteen guns. She
was the first continental vessel of war that sailed from the port of
Philadelphia. Having
cruised successfully in her, he was in the latter part of the same year,
transferred to the Effingham, one of three large frigates built in
Philadelphia. In the
eventful winter of that year, the navigation of the Dealware being
impeded by ice, and all naval employment suspended, his bold and
restless spirit could not be inactive.
So zealous was be in his country’s cause, that he volunteered
his services in the army, and served with distinguished reputation as
aid-de-camp to General Cadwallader, in the important operations, which
took place in the vicinity of Trenton.
When the British obtained command of the city, and forts on the
river, in 1777, it was deemed prudent to send the vessels of war up the
river to Whitehill, where they might possibly escape destruction,
Commodore Barry, with several others, affected their escape with great
dexterity. The enemy,
however, soon after destroyed the vessels.
While the frigates were lying near Whitehall, Commodore Barry
formed a project, which for boldness of design, and dexterity of
execution was not surpassed, if equalled, during the war.
It struck him that the enemy might be severely annoyed by means
of small boats, properly armed, which being stationed down the river and
bay, might intercept supplies going to the enemy, and in case of danger
take refuge in the creeks. He
accordingly manned the boats of the frigates, and under cover of night,
with muffled oars, descended the river.
He arrived opposite the city before the enemy or citizens had any
information of their movement. In
a moment all was consternation and alarm; the enemy apprehending some
impending disaster, while the citizens, supposing the project
impracticable, despaired of the safety of his friends.
The object was affected; and the success, which crowned the
adventure, was worthy of the enterprising spirit, which conceived it.
They not only succeeded in intercepting supplies of provisions
from the surrounding country, but captured several vessels loaded with
military munitions and valuable stores for the British officers.
General Washington always spoke with great satisfaction of this
enterprise, a concerned in it; indeed, he gave a public expression of
thanks, to the Commodore and his officers.
After the destruction of his frigate, he was appointed to the
command of the Raleigh, of thirty-two guns; which ship he was obliged,
by a large squadron of British vessels of war, to run on shore, on
Fon’s island, in Penobscot bay. Having
made several voyages to the West Indies, in letter of marque vessels,
during one of which he was commodore of a large squadron of them, he was
afterwards ordered to take command of a seventy-four-gun ship, building
in New Hampshire. Congress having, however, concluded to present her to the
King of France, the Commodore was appointed to the command of the
frigate Alliance, of thirty-six guns, then at Boston.
In February 1781 she sailed from Boston for L’Orient, having on
board colonel Laurens and suite, on an important embassy to the French
court. He sailed from
L’Orient early in 1781 on a cruise; and having taken many valuable
prizes, on the 29th of May an event occurred that deserves
notice. On the preceding
day two sail were discovered on the weather bow, standing for the
Alliance; after approaching near enough to be in sight, during the
night, they hauled to the wind, and stood on the same course with the
frigate.
At daylight, on the 29th it became quite calm; at
sunrise the American colours were displayed onboard the Alliance; the
drum beat to quarters. The
strange sails were discovered to be a ship and a brig; the British flag
was displayed, and having by means of their sweeps, got within hailing
distance, they respectively hailed, when it appeared that the ship was
His Brittanic Majesty’s ship of war Atalanta, Captain Edwards,
carrying between twenty and thirty guns; and her consort, the brig
Trepasa, Captain Smith. The
Commodore ordered them to haul down their colours, which being refused,
the cannonading immediately began; the Alliance, from want of wind, was
like a log upon the water; while the enemy by means of their sweeps,
could select their position; they accordingly kept on the quarters, and
athwart the stern of the Alliance, so that but few guns could be brought
to bear upon them. About two o’clock, the Commodore was wounded in the left
shoulder by a grape shot. Though
the wound was dangerous and excessively painful, he remained on the
quarterdeck some time when the loss of blood obliged him to be carried
to the cockpit. Shortly
after, the colours of the Alliance were shot away, and, this happening
in the interval of loading her guns, the enemy concluded they had been
struck; they manned the shrouds and huzzaed.
The American flag was soon hoisted again, and the renewal of the
fire from the Alliance sent the enemy to their quarters.
A little wind fortunately springing up, the broadside of the
frigate was brought to bear upon the enemy; it did great execution, and
at three p.m., they both struck their colours.
When captain Edwards was conducted to the Commodore, who was then
confined in the cabin, he presented his sword, which was immediately
returned to him, as a testimonial of the high opinion entertained of his
bravery; the Commodore observing, at the same time, “that he richly
merited it, and that his King ought to give him a better ship.”
Soon after the commodore was wounded and
left the deck, one of his lieutenants went to him while in the cockpit,
and representing the shattered state of the sails and rigging, the
number of killed and wounded, and the disadvantages under which they
laboured, from the want of wind, desired to know if the colours should
be struck. “No,” said
he; “and if the ship can’t be fought without, I will be carried on
deck.” When the
lieutenant made known to the crew the determination of their brave
commander, fresh spirit was infused into them, and they one and all
resolved to “stick by him.” As
soon as his wound was dressed, he insisted on being carried on deck, but
before he reached it the enemy had struck. The Alliance had eleven
killed, and twenty-one wounded; among the latter several of her
officer’s; her rigging and spars much shattered, and she was severely
damaged in her hull; the enemy had the same number killed, and thirty
wounded. We have been led
into the detail of this victory, as it was considered, at the time of
its achievement, a most brilliant exploit; and an unequivocal evidence
of the unconquerable firmness and intrepidity of the victor.
In the fall of 1781, orders were received to fit the Alliance for
taking the Marquis de Lafayette and Count de Noailles to France, on
public business. On the 25th
of December, she sailed from Boston, with them onboard.
The Alliance left L’Orient in February 1782 from which time she
continued cruising, with great success, till March of the following
year; when shortly after leaving Havana, whither she had been ordered,
to bring the United States a large quantity of specific, having in
company the continental ship Luzerne, of twenty guns, Captain Green,
three frigates were discovered right ahead, two leagues distant; the
American vessels were hove above; the enemy gave chase.
The Luzerne not sailing as fast as the Alliance, the Commodore
ordered her captain to throw her guns overboard.
A sail was then discovered on her weather bow bearing down upon
them; the Alliance hove out a signal, which was answered; she proved to
be a French ship, of fifty guns. Relying
upon her assistance, the Commodore concluded to bring the headmost of
the enemy’s ship to action; after inspiring his crew by an address,
and going from gun to gun, and cautioning his men against too much
haste, and not to fire until ordered, he prepared for action. The enemy’s ship was of equal size with the Alliance; a
severe engagement followed; it was very soon perceptible that the
Alliance was gaining the advantage; most of the enemy’s guns were
silenced; and, after an action of fifty minutes, the ship was so
severely damaged, that she hoisted a signal of distress, when her
consorts joined her. The
loss onboard the Alliance was very trifling-three killed, and eleven
wounded. The enemy’s loss
was severe; thirty-seven killed, and fifty wounded.
The other English frigates were watching the movements of the
French ships; the captain of which, upon coming up with the Alliance,
assigned as a reason for keeping aloof from the action, that he was
apprehensive the Alliance had been taken, and that the engagement was
only a decoy. Chase was
made, but the French ship being unable to keep up with the American, it
was given over.
A gentleman of distinguished naval reputation, when in the
Mediterranean with the American squadron, was introduced to Captain
James Vaughan, now Vice-Admiral of the Red, the commander of the British
frigate engaged with the Alliance. In the course of conversation, be made particular inquiry
after Captain Barry; related the circumstances of the action; and with
the frankness of a generous enemy, confessed that he had never seen a
ship so ably fought as the Alliance; that he had never before, to use
his own words,-“received such a drubbing, and that he was indebted to
the assistance of his consorts.”
We are sensible we have indulged in greater particularity in the
relation of these engagements than most readers would think necessary.
Our reason must apologise for us; we wish it to be known that the
gallantry of our seamen s not of recent date but is coeval with our
national existence.
There are the most interesting incidents that our imperfect
materials furnish. Suffice
it to say, that Commodore Barry served throughout the Revolution with
distinguished honour to himself, and signal benefit to his country.
Even during the intervals of suspension from public employment,
occasioned by the chances of war, he was actively and efficiently
employed in annoying the commerce of the enemy in letter of marque
vessels. Having espoused the cause of liberty from principle, he was
attached to it with all the glow of patriotic enthusiasm; nothing could
divert him from it, nor cool his ardour.
The following anecdote may be relied upon as authentic; it
evinces at once the high estimation in which his services were held by
the enemy, and the constancy of his resolution: -
General Howe, appreciating the Commodore’s character, and
thinking him important to the successful progress and issue of the
contest, made an attempt to detach him from his country’s service; for
this purpose, he authorised an offer to the Commodore of fifteen or
twenty thousand guineas, and the command of the best frigate in the
English navy. The General
availed himself of a period that seemed to him the most auspicious for
the accomplishment of his object; it was when the metropolis was in
possession of the British-when the enemy triumphed, and even when the
best friends of America began to despair.
The offer was rejected with the indignation of insulted
patriotism. The answer he returned to the General was, that “he had
devoted himself to the cause of his country, and not the value and
command of the whole British fleet could seduce him from it.”
After the termination of hostilities, the Commodore was retained
in the public service; and when, under Mr Adam’s administration, it
was deemed expedient to increase the naval establishment, he was
appointed the superintend the building of the frigate United States, in
Philadelphia, which was designed for his command. His opinion was very
influential in the adoption by the government of that excellent model
for ships of war, the superiority of which, over every other, has been
so strikingly proved, as to have extorted the acknowledgements even of
our enemies During the partial maritime war into which we were drawn by
the aggressions of the cruisers of the French republic, commodore Barry
was constantly and actively employed; and though fortune did not afford
him an opportunity of signalising himself by any splendid victory, yet
he rendered essential service to the commercial interests of the
country, by protecting its flag from the depredations of the French
privateers, which infested the ocean.
After our differences with France were accommodated, he retained
the command of the united States until she was laid up in ordinary, soon
after the introduction of Mr Jefferson to the Executive chair.
Commodore Barry did not long survive the termination of his
public services; though naturally of a strong and robust constitution,
he had been for many years subject to an asthmatic affection, to which
he fell a victim, at Philadelphia, on the thirteenth day of September
1803.
Thus closed the life of one of the first of patriots and best of
men. He was eminently
qualified for the important stations, which he filled.
He possessed courage without rashness-a constancy of spirit which
could not be subdued-a sound and intuitive judgment-a promptitude of
decision equal to the most trying emergencies-a consummate skill-a
generosity of soul which tempered the sterner qualities of the head, and
recommended him to the esteem of all-a humanity of feeling which made
him no less attentive to the comforts and happiness of those whom the
fortune of war threw into his power than he had been ambitious to
conquer them. He spent a
long life upon the ocean, and was engaged in every variety of service.
He knew how to conciliate those who were subjected to his
command, and although a rigid disciplinarian, he never failed to secure
the attachment of his sailors. It
is worthy of especial remark, that no one who has sailed with him as a
seaman has ever been heard to speak of him but with affection and
gratitude. He never found
any difficulty in making up a crew, and desertion from the ship was
unknown.
In the various relations of private life he was no less
unexceptionable. As a
citizen he was exemplary-as a friend sincere-as a husband tender and
affectionate. The
affability and frankness of his deportment, ingratiated him with all who
enjoyed the pleasure of his acquaintance; there was a native humour in
his character, which gave it peculiar interest.
His mansion was ever the residence of hospitality.
Jealous of his own honour he was never known to injure,
designedly, the feelings of any one; and, though possessed of a
quickness of sensibility to the appearance of offence or impropriety, he
never failed to express his regret, and to make atonement for injuries
prompted by an excess of feeling. He
was just, charitable, and without disguise.
As he was educated in the habits of religion, so he cultivated
them through life; he enforced a strict observance of divine worship
onboard his ship, and scrupulously attended to the moral deportment of
his crew; he had himself experienced the comforts of religion, and he
died in its faith.
Commodore Barry was in size above the ordinary stature; his
person was graceful and commanding.
His whole deportment was marked by dignity unmixed with
ostentation; and his strongly marked countenance was expressive at once
of the qualities of his mind, and the virtues of his heart. |
|
Nicholas
Biddle
Liberty never had a more intrepid defender than the
subject of this memoir. Among
the brave men who perished in the glorious struggle for the independence
of America, Captain Nicholas Biddle holds a distinguished rank.
His services, and the high expectations raised by his military
genius and gallantry, have left strong impressions of his merit, and a
profound regret that his early fate should have disappointed so soon the
hopes of his country.
Nicholas Biddle was born in the city of Philadelphia, on the
tenth day of September 1750. His
father, Mr William Biddle, was a native of New Jersey, son of William
Biddle, one of the first settlers and proprietors of that State, from
whom he inherited a very large fortune, which his losses in trade, and
the engagements of surety ship for a friend had greatly reduced.
His mother was the daughter of Nicholas Scull, Esq, who was, for
many years, Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania; and of these worthy and
respectable parents he was the sixth son.
Mr Biddle, very early in life, manifested his partiality for the
sea, and before the age of fourteen he had made a voyage to Quebec. In the following year 1765, he saied from Philadelphia to
Jamaica, and the bay of Honduras. The
vessel left the bay in the latter end of December 1765, bound to
Antigua, and the second day of January, in a heavy gale of wind, she was
cast away on a shoal, called the Northern Triangles.
After remaining two nights and a day upon the wreck, the crew
took to their yawl, the long boat having lost, and with great difficulty
and hazard landed on one of the small-uninhabited islands, about three
leagues distant from the reef upon which they struck.
Here they staid a few days.
Some provisions were produced from the wreck, and their boat was
refitted. As it was too
small to carry them all off, they drew lots to determine who should
remain, and young Biddle was among the number.
He, and his three companions, suffered extreme hardships, for
want to provisions and good water, and although various efforts were
made for their relief, it was nearly two months before they succeeded.
Such a scene of dangers and sufferings, in the commencement of
his career, would have discouraged a youth of ordinary enterprise and
perseverance. On him it
produced no such effect. The
coolness and promptitude with which he acted, in the midst of perils
that alarmed the oldest seamen, gave a sure presage of the force of his
character, and after he had returned home, he made several European
voyages, in which he acquired a thorough knowledge of seamanship.
In the year 1770, when a war between Great Britain and Spain was
expected, in consequence of the dispute relative to Falkland’s Island,
he went to London, in order to enter into the British navy.
He took with him letters of recommendation from Thomas Willing,
Esq, to his brother-in-law, Captain Sterling, onboard of whose ship he
served for some time as a midshipman.
The dispute with Spain being accommodated, he intended to leave
the navy, but was persuaded by Captain Sterling to remain in the
service, promising that he would use all his interest to get him
promoted. His ardent mind,
however, could not rest satisfied with the inactivity of his situation,
which he was impatient to change for one more suited to his disposition.
In the year 1773, a voyage of discovery was undertaken, at the
request of the royal Society, in order to ascertain how far navigation
was practicable towards the North Pole, to advance the discovery of a
northwest passage into the South seas, and to make such astronomical
observations as might prove serviceable to navigation.
Two vessels, the Race Horse and Carcase, were fitted out for the
expedition, the command of which was given to the Hon.
Captain Phipps, afterwards Lord Mulgrave. The Peculiar dangers to which such an undertaking was
exposed, induced the government to take extraordinary precautions in
fitting out, and preparing the vessels, and selecting the crews; and a
positive order was issued that no boys should be received onboard.
To the bold and enterprising spirit of young Biddle such an
expedition had great attractions. Extremely
anxious to join it, he endeavoured to procure Captain Sterling’s
permission for that purpose, but he was unwilling to part with him, and
would not consent to let him go. The
temptation was, however, irresistible.
He resolved to go, and laying aside his uniform he entered
onboard the Carcase before the mast.
When he first went onboard, a seaman who had known him before and
was very much attached to him observed him.
The honest fellow thinking that he must have degraded and turned
before the mast in disgrace was greatly affected at seeing him; but he
was equally surprised and pleased when he learned the true cause of the
young officer’s disguise, and he kept his secret as he was requested
to do. Impelled by the same
spirit, young Horatio, afterwards Lord Nelson had solicited and obtained
permission to enter onboard the same vessel.
These youthful adventurers are both said to have been appointed
coxswains, a station always assigned to the most active and trusty
seamen. The particulars of
this expedition are well known to the public.
These intrepid navigators penetrated as far as the latitude of
eighty—one degrees and thirty-nine minutes, and they were at one time
enclosed with mountains of ice, and their vessels rendered almost
immovable for five days, at the hazard of instant destruction.
Captain Biddle kept a journal of his voyage, which was afterwards
lost with him.
The commencement of the revolution gave a new turn to his
pursuits, and he repaired, without delay, to the standard of his
country. When a rupture
between England and America appeared inevitable, he returned to
Philadelphia, and soon after his arrival, he was appointed to the
command of the Camden galley, fitted for the defence of the Delaware.
He found this too inactive a service, and when the fleet was
preparing, under Commodore Hopkins, for an expedition against New
Providence, he applied for a command in the fleet, and was immediately
appointed commander of the Andrew Doria, a brig of fourteen guns and a
hundred and thirty men. Paul
Jones, who was then a lieutenant, and was going on the expedition was
distinguished by Captain Biddle, and introduced to his friends as an
officer of merit.
Writing from the Capes to his brother, the late Judge Biddle, he
says, “I know not what may be our fate; be it, however, what it may,
you may rest assured I will never cause a blush in the cheeks of my
friends or countrymen.” Soon
after they sailed, the small pox broke out and raged with great violence
in the fleet, which was manned chiefly by New England seamen.
The humanity of Captain Biddle, always prompt and active, was
employed on this occasion, to alleviate the general distress, by all the
means in his power. His own crew, which was from Philadelphia, being secure
against the distemper, he took onboard great numbers of the sick from
the other vessels. Every
part of his vessel was crowded, long boat was fitted for their
accommodation, and he gave up his own cot to a young midshipman on whom
he bestowed the greatest attention till his death.
In the meanwhile he slept himself upon the lockers, refusing the
repeated solicitations of his officers to accept their births.
On their arrival at New Providence, it surrendered without
opposition. The crew of the
Andrew Doria, from their crowded situation became sick, and before she
left Providence, there were not men enough capable of doing duty to man
the boats; Captain Biddle visited them every day, and ordered every
necessary refreshment, but they continued sickly until they arrived at
New London.
After refitting at New London, Captain Biddle received orders to
proceed off the Banks of New Foundland, in order to intercept the
transports and store ships bound to Boston.
Before he reached the Banks, he captured two ships from Scotland,
with four hundred Highland troops onboard, destined for Boston.
At this time the Andrew Doria had not one hundred men.
Lieutenant Josiah, a brave and excellent officer, was put onboard
one of the prizes, with all the highland officers, and ordered to make
the first port. Unfortunately,
about ten days afterwards, he was taken by Cerberus frigate, and on
pretence of his being an Englishman, he was ordered to do duty, and
extremely ill used. Captain
Biddle hearing of the ill-treatment of Lieutenant Josiah, wrote to the
Admiral at New York, that however disagreeable it was to him, he would
treat a young man of family, believed to be a son of Lord Cranston, who
was then his prisoner, in the same manner they treated Lieutenant
Josiah.
He also applied to his own government in behalf of his injured
officer, and by the proceedings of Congress, on the 7th of
august 1776, it appears, “That a letter from Captain Nicholas Biddle
to the Marine Committee, was laid before Congress and read; whereupon,
Resolved, That General Washington be directed to propose an exchange of
Lieutenant Josiah for a lieutenant of the navy of Great Britain:
That the General remonstrate to Lord Howe on the cruel treatment
Lieutenant Josiah has met with, of which the Congress have received
undoubled information.” Lieutenant
Josiah was exchanged after an imprisonment of ten months.
After the capture of the ships with the Highlanders, such was
Captain Biddle’s activity and success in taking prizes, that when he
arrived in the Delaware he had but five of the crew with which he sailed
from New London, the rest having been distributed among the captured
vessels, and their places supplied by men who had entered from the
prizes. He had a great
number of prisoners, so that for some days before he got in he never
left the deck.
While he was thus indefatigably engaged in weakening the
enemy’s power, and advancing his country’s interest, he was
disinterested and generous in all that related to his private advantage.
The brave and worthy opponent, whom the chance of war had thrown
in his power, found him a patron and friend, who on more, than one
occasion were known to restore to the vanquished the fruits of victory.
In the latter end of the year 1776, Captain Biddle was appointed
to the command of the Randolph, a frigate of thirty-two guns.
With his usual activity he employed every exertion to get her
ready for sea. The
difficulty of procuring American seamen at that time obliged him, in
order to man his ship, to take a number of British seaman, who were
prisoners of war, and who had requested leave to enter.
The
Randolph sailed from Philadelphia in February 1777.
Soon after she got to sea her lower masts were discovered to be
unsound, and in a heavy gale of wind, all her masts went by the board. While they were bearing away for Charleston, the English
sailors with some others of the crew formed the design to take the ship.
When all was ready they gave three cheers on the gun deck.
By the decided and resolute conduct of Captain Biddle and his
officer, the ringleaders were seized and punished, and the rest
submitted without further resistance.
After refitting at Charleston, as speedily as possible, he sailed
on a cruise, and three days after he left the Bar, he fell in with four
sails of vessels, bound from Jamaica to London.
One of them-called the True Briton-mounted twenty guns.
The commander of her, who had frequently expressed to his
passengers his hopes of falling in with the Randolph, as soon as he
perceived her, made all the sail he could from her, but finding he could
not escape, he hove to, and kept up a constant fire, until the Randolph
had borne down upon him, and was preparing for a broadside, when he
hauled down his colours. By
her superior sailing, the Randolph was enabled to capture the rest of
the vessels, and in one week from the time he sailed from Charleston,
Captain Biddle returned there with his prizes, which proved to be very
valuable.
Encouraged by his spirit and success, the State of South
California made exertions for fitting out an expedition under his
command. His name and the
personal attachment to him urged forward a crowd of volunteers to serve
with him, and in a short time, the ship General Moultrie, the brigs Fair
American, and Polly, and the Notre Dame were prepared for sea.
A detachment of fifty men from the first regiment of South
Carolina Continental infantry was ordered to act as marines onboard the
Randolph. Colonel, afterwards General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, who,
with his ofiicers and soldiers, would have done honour to any service,
then commanded the regiment. Such
says our informant-himself a gallant officer of that regiment-was the
attachment which the honourable and amiable deportment of Captain Biddle
had impressed during his stay at Charleston, and such the confidence
inspired by his professional conduct and valour, that a general
emulation pervaded the corps to have the honour of serving under his
command. The tour of duty,
after a generous competition among the officers, was decided to Captain
Joor, and lieutenant Grey and Simmons, whose gallant conduct, and that
of their brave detachment, did justice to the high character of the
regiment. As soon as the
Randolph was refitted and a new mainmast obtained in place of one which
had been struck with lightning, she dropped down to Rebellion Roads with
her little squadron. Their
intention was to attack the Carysfort frigate, the Perseus, twenty-four
gun ship, the Hinchinbrook, of sixteen guns, and a privateer which had
been cruising off the Bar, and had much annoyed the trade.
They were detained a considerable time in Rebellion roads, after
they were ready to sail, by contrary winds and want of water on the Bar
for the Randolph. As soon
as they got over the Bar, they stood to the eastward, in expectation of
falling in with the British cruisers.
The next day they retook a dismasted ship from New England; as
she had no cargo onboard they took out her crew, six light guns and some
stores, and set her on fire. Finding
that the British ships had left the coast, they proceeded to the West
Indies, and cruised to the eastward, and nearly in the latitude of
Barbados for some days, during which time they boarded a number of
French and Dutch ships, and took and English schooner from New York
bound to Grenada, which had mistaken the Randolph for a British frigate,
and was taken possession of before the mistake was discovered.
On the night of the 7th of March 1778, the fatal
accident occurred, which terminated the life of this excellent officer.
For some days previously, he had expected an attack.
Captain Blake, a brave officer, who commanded a detachment of the
second South Carolina regiment, serving as marines onboard the General
Moultrie, and to whom we are indebted for several of the ensuing
particulars, dined onboard the Randolph two days before the engagement.
At dinner, Captain Biddle said, “We have been cruising here for
some time, and have spoken a number of vessels, who will, no doubt give
information of us, and I should not be surprised if my old ship should
be out after us. As to anything that carries her guns upon one deck, I think
myself a match for her.” About
three p.m. of the 7th of March, a signal was made from the
Randolph for a sail to windward, in consequence of which the squadron
hauled upon a wind, in order to speak her.
It was four o’clock, before she could be distinctly seen, when
she was discovered to be a ship, though as she neared and came before
the wind, she had the appearance of a large sloop with only a square
sail set. About seven
o’clock, the Randolph being to windward hove to, the Moultrie being
about one hundred and fifty yards astern, and rather to leeward, also
hove to. About eight
o’clock, the British ship fired a shot just ahead of the Moultrie, and
hailed her, the answer was the Polly of New York, upon which she
immediately hauled her wind, and hailed the Randolph.
She was then for the first time discovered to be a two-decker. After several questions asked and answered, as she was
ranging up alongside the Randolph, and had got on her weather quarter,
Lieutenant Barnes, of that ship, called out, “This is the Randolph,”
and she immediately hoisted her colours and gave the enemy a broadside.
Shortly after the action commenced, Captain Biddle received a
wound in the thigh and fell. This
occasioned some confusion, as it at first thought that he was killed. He soon, however, ordered a chair to be brought, said that he
was only slightly wounded, and being carried forward encouraged the
crew. The stern of the
enemy’s ship being clear of the Randolph, the captain of the Moultrie
gave orders to fire, but the enemy having shot ahead, so as to bring the
Randolph between them, the last broadside of the Moultrie went into the
Randolph, and it was thought by one of the men saved who was stationed
on the quarterdeck near Captain Biddle, that he was wounded by shot from
the Moultrie. The fire from
the Randolph was constant and well directed.
She fired nearly three broadsides to the enemy’s one, and she
appeared, while the battle lasted, to be in a continual blaze.
In about twenty minutes after the action began, and while the
surgeon was examining Captain Biddle’s wound on the quarterdeck, the
Randolph blew up.
The enemy’s vessel was the British ship Yarmouth, of sixty-four
guns, commanded by Captain Vincent.
So closely were they engaged, that Captain Morgan, of the Fair
American, and all his crew, thought that it was the enemy’s ship that
had blown up. He stood for the Yarmouth, and had a trumpet in his hands to
hail and inquire how Captain Biddle was, when he discovered his mistake.
Owing to the disabled condition of the Yarmouth the other vessels
escaped.
The cause of the explosion was never ascertained; but it is
remarkable that just before he sailed, after the clerk had copied the
signals and orders for the armed vessels that accompanied him, he wrote
at the foot of them, “in case of coming to action in the night, be
very careful of your magazines.”
The number of persons onboard the Randolph was three hundred and
fifteen, who all perished, except four men, who were tossed about for
four days on a piece of the wreck before they were discovered and taken
up. From the information of two of these men, who were afterwards in
Philadelphia, and of some individuals in the other vessels of the
squadron, we have been enabled to state some particulars of this
unfortunate event in addition to the accounts given of it by Dr. Ramsay
in his History of the American Revolution, and in his history of the
revolutions of South Carolina. In
the former work, the historian thus concludes his account of the action:
“Captain Biddle, who perished onboard the Randolph, was universally
laminated. He was in the
prime of life, and had excited high expectations of future usefulness to
his country, as a bold and skilful naval officer.”
Thus prematurely fell at the age of twenty-seven, as gallant an
officer as any country ever boasted of.
In the short career, which Providence allowed to him, he
displayed all those qualities, which constitute a great soldier.
Neither brave to excess, and consummately skilled in his
profession, no danger nor expected event could shake his firmness, or
disturb his presence of mind. An
exact and rigid disciplinarian, he tempered his authority with so much
humanity and affability, that his orders were always executed with
cheerfulness and alacrity. Perhaps
no officer ever understood better the art of commanding the affections
as well as the respect of those who served under him; if that can be
called an art, which was rather the natural effect of the benevolence
and magnanimity of his character.
The virtues of his private life endeared him to a numerous circle
of friends. With the
frankness and manliness of character, which eminently belong to the
officers of his profession, Captain Biddle united other qualities of
much more rare occurrence. The
most amiable mildness and modesty of manners, a strict and rigid
temperance and a strong habitudinal sense of his religious and moral
duties. A sincere
Christian, his religious impressions had a decided and powerful
influence upon his conduct. Even
his native courage was heightened by the reflection, that in the
discharge of his duty all personal consequences were to be disregarded.
His temper was uniformly cheerful, and his conversation sprightly
and entertaining. In his
person he was about five feet nine inches high, remarkably handsome,
strong and active before he left Charleston, he was engaged to be
married, on his return, to a young lady of that place.
By the numerous living witnesses of his worth, and extraordinary
promise, his memory is cherished with peculiar fondness, and the brave
and the patriotic will ever respect it. |
|
Joshua
Barney
None among the naval heroes of our country, have
gone through more varieties of active service, or experienced greater
vicissitudes of fortune than the subject of this memoir.
His life has been written in a most entertaining style, by his
relative, Mrs Marry Barney; and it is from this source that we have
drawn the principal facts contained in the following sketch.
Commodore Joshua Barney was born at Baltimore, on the sixth of
July 1759. His ancestors
had emigrated form England, where they maintained a middling rank, and
were of reputable character. Education,
in those days, was only to be obtained at considerable expense, and that
but rarely in a new country, which had, but few inhabitants; and some of
these without fortune or learning.
He went to school very young, and having attained the principles
of arithmetic, reading and writing, he left, at ten years of age.
Even at this early period he had acquired a decided liking for
the sea, which the parents endeavoured to divert to some other object,
by putting him to various employments, without success.
Finding that these trials tended but to increase his ardent
desire for the sea, they resolved-however, unwillingly-to let him try
his fortune in the profession of his choice.
When they placed him with a pilot, they still entertained hopes
that a few months service would make him lose his predilection for this
toilsome pursuit, and return to the domestic circle.
But the waste of waters was to him a home, however dreary; and
the result of every subsequent excursion pronounced more clearly that he
was destined to lead the life of a sailor.
The fond parents, seeing this, thought fit to provide permanently
for his advancement, until he should be able to control his own
movements: an opportunity soon offered. Captain Thomas Drysdale, (his brother-in-law) was then in
port, with a small brig, and offered to receive him onboard-a favour,
which the family accepted, and young Barney forthwith entered upon his
new engagement. The first
voyage was to Liverpool, when after the delivery of the cargo, the brig
was unexpectedly sold, and the master secured a passage for himself and
Barney, for Baltimore. Although
our hero had loved the sea so well, yet he longed for a sight of home
and his relations. When he arrived, he received the unwelcome intelligence that
his father had been called to his last home, and found the family
plunged in the deepest affliction.
After visiting the scenes of his boyhood, he again resumed his
former vocation, and made several voyages to Europe, in company with his
brother-in-law. On the 22nd
of December 1774, he entered upon a voyage, which, thought it terminated
the life of Captain Drysdale, shows most conclusively, the energy and
resource of Barney’s mind. The
Captain died in a week after they had set sail, and the first mate
having left the ship in consequence of a quarrel, it became necessary
for young Barney to command and conduct the ship to her destination,
Nice; an undertaking of no small difficulty, considering the leaky state
of the vessel, the inexperience of her commander, and the distance of
the port; yet he cheerfully undertook it. As they proceeded on their voyage the leak gained upon them,
notwithstanding they kept the pumps going day and night, and on entering
the Mediterranean, they were overtaken by a storm which threatened to
complete their ruin; they were able, however, to put into Gibraltar, and
Barney, taking all responsibility upon himself, had the ship, repaired;
an operation which occupied three months, and they ten set sail for
their destination, where they arrived in safety.
Here again, his mental energies were taxed to the utmost, for the
Nicene merchants determined not to pay the expenses of repairs at
Gibraltar, and the Governor seconding them, young Barney was thrown into
prison; but he was soon afterwards released.
As all American vessels then sailed under English colours, he
hoisted the union jack, considering, that if they attempted to take the
vessel, it would be considered a national insult, and as such would be
resented. In this he was
right.
The cost of repairs being paid, he set sail for America; but on
the way, he touched at Alicant, in Spain, and as his Catholic Majesty
was then fitting out his memorable expedition against Algiers, he was
detained, and employed in the service of the expedition.
It would not be in place, here to give a description of that
unfortunate and disgraceful expedition; which resulted in the utter
discomfiture of the Spaniards. After
this he returned to America, where he was first informed of the
rebellion of the colonies, and that the battles of Lexington and
Bunker’s Hill had been already fought. He was but sixteen years old when he returned from this
eventful voyage, and considering the struggle of the colonies a just
one, he determined to enter into their service.
The country was in a state of great excitement, and young Barney
allowed himself little or no relaxation; but learning that there were
two vessels equipping at Baltimore, he immediately offered his services,
and was received as master’s mate, onboard of the sloop of war Hornet,
often guns, which was destined to join the squadron of Commodore
Hopkins.
Towards the latter end of November 1775, the Hornet, in company
with another Baltimore vessel-the Wasp-set sail, and cleared the capes,
without being seen by the British cruisers, and found the squadron of
Commodore Hopkins, consisting of five ships, mounting one hundred and
two guns, and the Fly tender, anchored at the mouth of the Delaware.
The fleet immediately set sail, and without any adventure arrived
at the place of rendezvous, where their destination was made known. New Providence, one of the Bahamas, was the object of attack,
and thither they steered; but, on the passage, during a stormy night,
the Hornet lost her masthead and boom, inconsequence of the Fly tender
running foul of her, and she became separated from the rest of the
fleet. This untoward
accident compelled the captain to steer for the nearest port and repair.
They arrived off the mouth of the Delaware about the first of
April, where they were informed that the British ship Roebuck, of
forty-four guns, lay at anchor in the roads, and that her tender was
cruising in quest of prizes. The
captain, affecting to be under the influence of religious scruples,
determined to avoid her, but in so doing, fell upon her track and soon
encountered her, and the captain was about to surrender, but the tender,
seeing as she neared, the force of the sloop, sheered off.
The sloop in going up the channel ran ashore, but was got off
with the loss of he rudder, and after a cold, tempestuous run, arrived
at Philadelphia.
Barney now left the hornet, and volunteered his services to
Captain Charles Alexander’s, a Scotchman, who had entered the American
service, and held the command of the Wasp.
The Wasp having convoyed a vessel richly laden, clear of the
coast, returned to the Delaware, where her commander discovered, lying
in the roads, the Roebuck, forty-four, and the Liverpool
twenty-eight-two British frigates which had entered the river in her
absence. The Wasp was
pursued by the latter; but the British ship, having no pilot, ran
ashore, and the little schooner escaped to the Cape May channel, where
she found two other American vessels-the Lexington, and the Surprise
lying securely at anchor, their commanders, Captain Barry and Weeks,
being ignorant of the near vicinity f the enemy.
In the meantime the Liverpool got off, and commenced the chase of
a vessel laden with ammunition. The
three American commanders observing this, made preparations to give the
enemy a warm reception. But
the Roebuck appearing in sight disconcerted their plans, and made them
seek safety in flight. The
captain of the chased vessel, seeing no hope of escape, ran her ashore,
and commenced taking out her cargo, in which they were assisted by boats
crews from the Lexington and Surprise, until the frigates lowered their
boats, when Captain Barry ordered a quantity of loose powder and a slow
match to be placed in the hold, and as the enemy entered, it went off
with a tremendous explosion, killing every soul onboard.
The Wasp now pursued her course up the bay, which was perceived
by the frigates, which gave chase.
Captain Alexander, finding that they gained upon him, hauled his
course to the wind, and ran into Wilmington creek, when night coming on,
the frigates dropped anchor at the mouth of the creek, and thus kept him
in a state of blockade. A
number of row gallies from Philadelphia, under the command of Commodore
Hazlewood, having been sent after the frigates, made their appearance
the next morning, and instantly commenced an attack.
Captain Alexander, embracing this opportunity, attacked the
tender of one of the British frigates, carried her by boarding, and made
his escape, pursued by the roebuck, which grounded on the Jersey shore.
Captain Alexander, sent his prize to port, and re-entered the
creek before night. The
next morning being thick and hazy, he got out; but, when the weather
cleared, he found himself almost in the enemy’s power, but by exertion
he escaped, and again meeting the galleys, they maintained the attack
all day, and finally through the exertions of Barney forced the frigates
to retire, while the Wasp returned safe to Philadelphia.
Barney was not yet seventeen, and through the kindness of Captain
Alexander, he was appointed to take charge of the sloop Sachem, of ten
guns, and superintend her equipment.
While on this service, he received an appointment as lieutenant
on the 20th of June 1776.
Soon after this, Captain Isaiah Robinson arrived, and took the
command of the Sachem, and, with our young hero, set sail on the 6th
of july. Before they had
been at sea many days they fell in with a letter of marque brig, under
English colours, and an attack was determined upon, which lasted about
two hours, when the brig surrendered, and was taken to Philadelphia.
In consequence of the ability the bravery displayed by Captain
Robinson and Lieutenant Barney, they were removed to the Andrew Doria,
of fourteen guns, which was waiting for orders to put to sea.
Captain Robinson was ordered to St. Eustatia, for the purpose of
bringing home some ammunition, deposited there, at the disposal of
Congress-and to return home immediately, in order not to subject himself
to being taken by a superior force.
On their return home they fell in with the Race Horse, of twelve
guns, under Lieutenant Jones, and after a hard fought battle of two
hours, forced her to surrender. The
vessel suffered much in the hull, spars and rigging, and Lieutenant
Jones and most of his men were more or less dangerously wounded before
we surrendered. The Andrew
Doria had four killed, and eight or nine wounded.
Soon after this, having captured an English scow, Lieutenant
Barney was sent in her as prize master; but on the voyage home, he
encountered a severe gale, and was compelled to put into Chincoteague
for pairs. After remaining
there till January 2nd 1777 he proceeded to sea with the
prize; but ion his passage he was captured by the Perseus, of twenty
guns, and taken to Charleston. Being
allowed to retire upon parole, Barney soon found his way to
Philadelphia. Here he
remained many months, until an exchange offered, when he again returned
to the Andrew Doria. He was
heartily welcomed by Captain Robinson, and his brother officers and men.
The Andrew Doria now formed a part of the force that had been
prepared for the water defence of Philadelphia, which force consisted of
a flotilla of about forty ships, and boats, commanded by Commodore
Hazlewood. They were stationed off the mouth of the Schuylkill, partly
defended by a small fort, erected on Mud Island. A portion of the American forces was also stationed at Red
Bank, on the Jersey shore, and at Province Island, farther down the
river. These preparations
were made not without some great design, for the enemy being now in
possession of Philadelphia, a determined effort was to be made before
they could of the Delaware.
The attack, which was made on the flotilla and forts by the
British fleet, and ably sustained by the Americans, afforded many
opportunities for the display of that heroism which marked every action
of the revolutionary war, in which the naval force was concerned.
By employing an overwhelming force, both by sea and land, the
enemy were at length enabled to batter down the American forts and
disperse the flotilla, and thus effect an open communication between the
ocean and Philadelphia, now in their possession.
This, however, was not effected without a heavy loss officers and
men. Among the former was
the gallant Doniop. The
English also lost two ships, and the Americans one. The final attack terminated on the night of the 16th
of November, by the Americans running their ships up the river to
Bordentown, rather than let them fall into the hands of the enemy, who
had thus learned that their victories were to be bought only by a force
greatly superior to that of their opponents in numbers and discipline.
Lieutenant Barney, throughout the whole affair, displayed his
usual bravery and perseverance. He
was always in the thickest of the fray, and despised the old rues of
warfare-that it is the mark of courage and insight, to bring your forces
whole from battle, and be sure and return yourself with your ships.
Early in the following December, he was ordered to enter as
lieutenant of the frigate Virginia, which was then lying at Baltimore,
whither he was ordered with a detachment of seamen and officers destined
for the frigate. He was
nearly a month in performing the march, in consequence f the almost
impassable state of the roads, which were covered with snow and sleet.
A great many of the men were frostbitten, in consequence of the
cold; but all arrived safe.
In 1778, he was placed in the command of a pilot boat tender. His duty in this capacity was to cruise about the bay, and
watch the movements of the enemy, and observe when an opportunity
offered for the frigate to put to sea.
In this capacity he recaptured a large sloop belonging to
Baltimore, and one of the enemy’s barges, which had seized her.
On the last of March, an opportunity offered for the frigate to
put to sea; but she ran on the middle ground, and in this situation was
attacked by three of the enemy’s fleet, when the captain hoisted out
the barge, and put to shore, leaving the vessel under the command of
Lieutenant Barney, who was overruled in his determination to resist the
enemy by the other officers, who were willing to follow the course of
their captain. Lieutenant
Barney thus again fell into the hands of the enemy; but in consequence
of his former humane conduct towards the British prisoners who had
fallen into his hands, he was treated with kindness and civility, and
such was the confidence in him, that he was frequently allowed to go on
shore and remain for whole days. Captain
Caldwell, who commanded the Emerald-in which ship Lieutenant Barney was
prisoner-had, by his uniform kindness and urbanity, won the esteem of
all Americans who fell into his hands.
During the year 1778, it has been deemed necessary to send the
prisoners t New York, Lieutenant Barney was removed to this place in the
ship St. Albans, sixty-four, Captain Onslow.
On the passage, Lieutenant Barneym who was the only officer of
any distinction onboard, formed the bold plan of seizing the ship, and
the whole fleet, but the project was disconcerted by the treachery of a
Frenchman, to whom the secret had been confided.
When Captain Onslow became aware of it, he placed the means,
which Lieutenant Barney was to employ, out of his reach, and passed the
affair over in silence, until he arrived at New York, when it was only
referred to as a matter of pleasantry.
When they arrived at New York, the Americans were transferred to
the prison ships. Here,
Barney for the first time, realised that he was a prisoner.
He now beheld disease, in her varied forms, revelling, as it were
in the mass of beings, which seemed scarcely “human.”
Even here, his usual
kindness predominated, and he tended for hours the sick and dying of his
countrymen. He was not,
however, without the hope of being relieved, and was allowed to obtain,
at least the freedom of the deck. In
this he was not disappointed; for in a few weeks after his
incarceration, he was happy to learn that Admiral Byron had arrived, to
supersede Lord Howe in command of the English fleet.
This officer, in a week after his arrival, paid a visit to the
prison ships, and seeing the prisoners in such miserable condition he
ordered, with his accustomed humanity, better accommodations to be
prepared, and learning the peculiar position of Lieutenant Barney, he
ordered him to be removed to his ship, where he was treated with great
kindness. He was allowed to
go on shore whenever he wished, and never showed himself so unworthy of
confidence as not to return.
For nearly five months he remained in this situation, when an
opportunity offering, he was exchanged, and again offered his services
to the American authorities; but, they’re being no vacancy at the
time, he determined to visit the relatives and friends.
Still his mind was bent upon the sea, and disdaining a life of
idleness, he took command of “a fine little schooner, armed with two
guns, and eight me,” bound for St. Eustatia.
In going down the bay, he was attacked by an English privateer
and taken; but fortunately, he was put on shore, with his men, and thus
he was saved from a second experience of the horrors of a prison ship. He immediately set out for Baltimore, where he met his old
friend, Captain Robinson, who was in search of him to offer him the
situation of first officer in a private ship of which he then had
command.
In February 1779 they set sail with a cargo of tobacco, and an
armament of twelve guns, and thirty-five men bound for Bordeaux.
After they had been out a few days, the Rosebud, of sixteen guns,
Captain Duncan, chased them. An
action followed; and Captain Robinson, on observing indications of the
enemy’s intention to board, left Barney to command the stern-chaser,
while he went on the gun deck, ready to give the enemy a broadside
should he make the attempt. Barney,
believing that she was at one time running up for this purpose, loaded
the gun with grapeshot and a “crowbar,” which, by cutting up the
enemy’s rigging, and nearly severing his foremast, had the desired
effect, and the British commander thought proper to sheer off, and leave
Captain Robinson to repair his damages at leisure.
The enemy lost forty-seven men, in killed and wounded.
The voyage was continued without farther interruption; and the
vessel having discharged her cargo, returned home.
On her homeward passage, she came up with an English letter of
marque ship of equal force and weight of metal, which after a long
contest, was forced to surrender, and Lieutenant Barney was placed in
command of her, on her passage to Philadelphia.
When he arrived there, not finding any vacancy in the naval
service, he determined not to enter the merchant service to spend his
leisure time among his relatives in Philadelphia and Baltimore.
While residing at the former place, he became acquainted with
Miss Bedford, daughter of Gunning Bedford, Esq., to whom he was married,
on the 10th of March 1780.
He remained a month at Philadelphia, when he was advised to
undertake some commercial enterprise, which he determined to do, and
accordingly, set out with that purpose; but his whole fortune, which he
carried with him, was secretly stolen from him; and he returned to his
wife, but never spoke about the missing money.
As if by way of consolation, in a few days he was ordered to the
Saratoga, of sixteen guns, under Captain John Tams.
He immediately went to sea.
They had not been out many days, before they fell in with a
British ship, of twelve guns, and soon captured her.
It seemed as if fortune had now determined to smile upon our
hero, for the next day they encountered a British ship and two brigs,
and after a hard-fought battle, they succeeded in taking all three.
During the action, Lieutenant Barney, with fifty men, boarded the
largest ship, mounting thirty-two guns, with ninety men, and after a
terrible conflict obtained possession of the deck, and soon the American
colours were at the masthead.
Barney, in the largest ship, was ordered to steer for the
Delaware; but he soon discovered that she leaked fearfully, and the next
day observed a small squadron in chase, and resistance being out of the
question, he surrendered to Captain Anthony J. P. Malloy, of the
Intrepid, seventy-four. This
commander treated him in the most brutal manner.
Yet, when he afterwards came to reflect upon his lot, he found
that the Saratoga and crew perished at sea, and were never heard of, and
that his being appointed to the command of the prize, and his capture by
the inhuman Malloy, were the means of preserving him for future service.
The Intrepid sailed soon after for New York, when Barney was
removed to the Yarmouth, seventy-four, (December 1780,) to be sent to
England, where they were to receive the punishment of their
“rebellion.” On the
passage, the prisoners amounting to about sixty were confined in the
most loathsome of dungeons, without light or pure air, and with a scanty
supply of provisions.
They brought, when they arrived at Plymouth, that their
privations were at an end; but they were only removed to another prison
ship, which although dirty and crowded, was, in some measure, better
than the one they had left. From
this, contrary to expectation, as soon as they were so much recovered as
to be able to walk, they were brought on shore and confined in Mill
prison, where they met the anxious faces of several hundred American
prisoners, who had undergone the same privations as themselves.
This prison was surrounded by two strong walls, twenty feet
apart, and was guarded by numerous sentries.
There were small gates in the walls, and these were placed
opposite each other, the inner one generally remaining open.
The prisoners were allowed the privilege of the yard nearly all
day, and this set the inventive mind of Barney upon the scheme which, in
the end, terminated in his liberty; not, however, without infinite
danger and trouble. He set
about finding out some small chance which might afford the least hope of
release; and having discovered one of the sentries that had served in
the United States, and remembered the kindness with which he had been
there treated, Barney and he formed the means of escape.
It was arranged that Barney should affect to have hurt his foot
and obtain a pair of crutches, and thus lull suspicion.
On the 18th of May 1781, he habited himself in the
undress uniform of a British officer-the whole covered with an old
greatcoat, and by the aid of the sentinel, cleared the prison; when he
threw off the coat, and soon arrived at the house of a well known friend
to the American cause, in Plymouth.
That he might not be soon missed, he got a lad, who after
answering to his own name, was to get out, and answer to Barney’s, in
the yard, which little stratagem succeeded admirably.
When Barney arrived at the friend’s house, he made preparations
to leave as soon as possible, well knowing that if any of the British
were detected harbouring him, they would be convicted of high treason.
In the evening, therefore, he departed to the house of his
friend’s father, at a considerable distance, where he would be safer.
On arriving there, he was surprised to find two of his old
friends-Americans-who had been, for some time, anxiously waiting for an
opportunity of returning home, and now thought that the time had
arrived.
Lieutenant Barney determined to sail for the French coast, and,
for this purpose, he and the two gentlemen purchased a small fishing
vessel, and habiting themselves in some fishermen’s old apparel, they
set sail on their intended voyage.
Admiral Digby’s fleet lay at the mouth of the river, and our
adventurers had to pass through the midst of them, and then run the
chance of capture by the numerous British cruisers, which continually
ply about the channel. This
was a daring undertaking as the fleet, he thought, had doubtless
received notice of his escape, and the enemy would be rigid in their
search. He, therefore,
determined to act with coolness, and, if intercepted, to give such
answers to the questions put to him, as might best lull suspicion.
If he were detected, he would pay for the attempt with his life.
He knew that if his escape was detected, that it would be
immediately communicated to the fleet, and thus lessen his chances;
especially as the least unusual appearance in his assumed character,
would excite immediate suspicion. Even
should he be able to pass through the fleet, the British channel
abandoned with the English cruisers, which were quite adept in the art
of picking up stragglers. With these dangers painted in living colours before his eyes,
he preserved his usual self-possession, and inspired with confidence his
companions, who had never handled a rope, and relied exclusively upon
his daring.
By sunrise, the next morning, they were “under way,” the two
gentlemen remaining below, and Lieutenant Barney and the servant being
the only ones on deck, to avoid suspicion.
With a good breeze and a favourable tide, it was not long before
they were in the midst of the hostile fleet, which seemed to take no
notice of them. Their
hearts beat quickly when they were thus hanging between life and death;
but as soon as the last of the enemy was passed, they declared
themselves safe through that portion of the ordeal.
But what attempt ever ended to the satisfaction of the
undertaker? Before the
enemy were more than clear out of sight, the practised eye of Barney
caught a sail, which he knew to be bearing down upon him.
He saw that resistance was out of the question; but that if he
managed the affair adroitly, he might escape.
It was now that he was called to exercise that firmness of mind,
coolness and contempt of danger, and quickness of resource in time of
need that ever distinguished his character, and showed him to be a man
of no ordinary natural talents.
The enemy then turned their operations into a blockade, and kept
the Commodore inactive, while they went into the country, and carried
off many of the people prisoners onboard their fleet.
Barney having received a small reinforcement from the Secretary
of the Navy, determined on an attack upon the blockading squadron, which
was to be seconded by a battery of two guns onshore.
The attack was made with great bravery by the flotilla, but being
unsupported by the battery, Barney was forced to retire.
The fruits of victory, however, he obtained; for the enemy soon
steered down the river, perfectly satisfied with one attack of the
Commodore.
The next action, in which we find him engaged, was at the advance
of the British on the city of Washington.
The history of this affair is one, which is impossible to dwell
upon with satisfaction. Almost
the only redeeming feature about it, from the first landing of
General’s Ross’s troops, to their final departure from the
desecrated capitol, is the gallant resistance of Barney and his brave
marines, when deserted by those very men whose incapacity had placed
them in a false position, and whose duty it was to have supported them
in the defence.
As it was, Barney and his party kept the enemy in check, until
nearly every officer was killed or wounded, the Commodore himself so
severely, as to render it impossible for him to accompany the retreat,
which he was finally compelled to order.
He consequently fell into the hands of the British, who with that
characteristic respect for heroism, which they often display, instantly
offered him a parole. Having accepted it, he was conveyed by British sailors to
Bladensburg, the gallant tars refusing to accept the fifty-dollar bill,
which he tendered as a compensation for their trouble.
After remaining at Bladenburg a single day, Commodore Barney was
conveyed to his farm, at Elkridge.
The ball, which he had received in his thigh, could not be
extracted without considerable risk; and the surgeons suffered it to
remain till the wound was healed. It
subsequently gave the Commodore much inconvenience, and was thought to
have been ultimately the cause of his death.
As an acknowledgement of his gallantry and good conduct at the
battle of Bladensburg, the corporation of Washington presented an
elegant sword to the Commodore. On
the 8th of October he was exchanged, and two days afterwards
he resumed his command of the flotilla.
Before he could have any new opportunity for distinction, the
Treaty of Ghent terminated hostilities.
The flotilla was disbanded, and his gallant crews discharged;
when having settled his accounts with the government, Commodore Barney
was sent to Europe, as the bearer of despatches to the American
Plenipotentiaries, which he faithfully delivered, and returned to
Baltimore, October 13th 1815.
He now retired to his farm, where he suffered much from his
wounded limb. After this he
continued to be occupied with endeavouring to remedy the effect of a
want of economy in his domestic business arrangements, until the death
of Colonel Nathaniel Ramsay, when he was appointed Naval Officer, in the
customhouse, at Baltimore. Being
in ill health, he appointed his son William his deputy.
Commodore Barney’s death, which took place at Pittsburg while
he was a journey to the west, happened on the first of December 1818, in
the sixtieth year of his age.
In the character of Commodore Barney we recognise all the
elements of a popular hero. To
a noble and commanding presence, he added that cordiality and kindness
of manner, which is universally recognised as the evidence of a feeling
heart; while his humanity-his daring courage-his earnestness in the
despatch of business, and his incorruptible fidelity in the discharge of
duty, commanded the esteem of every administration he served, and the
affection of every man he commanded.
We regret that our narrow limits have not permitted us to copy a
few of the numerous anecdotes, which enrich the biography written by
this fair relative, to which we have already referred-a work which we
recommended especially to the notice of all who delight in the records
of generous and heroic deeds. |
|
Edwards
Preble
In the brilliant roll of our naval heroes the name
of Preble will always stand among the most conspicuous.
He was one of the most active and efficient officers of his time;
and it was by his gallantry and consummate ability that the war with
Tripoli was conducted in a style, which reflects the highest honour on
the American flag.
Commodore Edward Preble was born August 15th 1761, in
that part of Falmouth in Casso bay which is now Portland, in the State
of Maine. His father was
the Hon. Jedidiah Preble, who was a brigadier-general under the
Government of the Massachusetts Bay; and after the revolutionary war
begun, a member of the council and senate.
He died in the year 1783, aged 77.
Edward Preble, from nearly childhood, discovered a strong
disposition for hazards and adventures, and a firm, resolute, and
preserving temper. Possessing
an athletic and active frame, he delighted in exertion, and particularly
in sporting with a gun, in which he displayed superior skill.
His constitution, naturally robust, was corroborated by this
athletic exercise.
His father, with a view to a college education and liberal
profession for his son Edward, placed him at a suitable age, at Dummer
academy, Newbury, then under the care of the late Mr. Samuel Moody’s,
a celebrated teacher. Here
he was employed in Latin and other studies, and though the bias of his
nature to action and enterprise proved an overmatch for the attractions
of literature and sedentary occupation, his time at school yielded
valuable fruit. The
correctness and propriety of expression in his letters and orders, the
quality and cast of his conversation, and the general resources of his
mind showed him indebted to early culture as well as to the
opportunities he enjoyed from much intercourse with the world and his
standing in society. He
doubtless, with others, experienced the benefit of having a preceptor
who made it his care and gratification to discover and fan the spark of
honourable ambition in the minds of his pupils.
He was particularly attentive to their characteristic individual
traits; and fond of viewing them on the most favourable and indulgent
side. He was struck with
the marks of a fearless invincible spirit in Preble; and though aware of
its disadvantages and hazards to its possessor, was disposed, in this
instance, accompanied as it was ingenuous feelings and a disdain of all
baseness, to regard it as a prognostic of good. A single anecdote in illustration we venture to record,
trusting that none of our readers, young or old, will receive it in ill
part, or think it capable of any evil use.
The good preceptor, with a dear love for his pupils, was liable
sometimes to gusts of passion, portentous in appearance, though commonly
harmless in effect. On one
occasion, our hero in an encounter with a schoolfellow, had given a
blow, which covered his face with blood.
On the boy presenti9ng himself in this plight in school, and
announcing Preble as the author of his misfortune, the master’s ire
was raised to a tempest-seizing the fire shovel, he sprung towards the
offender, and aimed a blow at his head; which, however, he took care
should just escape on one side of his mark, and fall on the deck.
He repeated the motion, bringing down his deadly weapon on the
other side with the utmost violence.
The boy never changed his attitude of countenance, sitting
perfectly erect, and looking calmly at the assailant.
The latter, from being pale and quivering with rage became
instantly composed, and turning away exclaimed, “That fellow will make
a general.” Against the
wishes and hopes of his father, Edward persisted in that predilection
for the sea, which he had always shown; and leaving school after two or
three years, he entered on board a ship.
His first voyage was to Europe in a letter of marque, Captain
Frend. On their return,
they had a severe time on the coast through head winds and extreme cold.
The young sailor was conscious for his activity and usefulness in
this trying exigency.
About the year 1779 he became midshipman in the state ship
officer, John Foster Williams, who has always spoken with emphasis of
the courage and good conduct of Mr. Peble, while in his ship.
On the first cruise of the Protector, she engaged off
Newfoundland, the letter of marque Admiral Duff, of thirty-six guns.
It was a short but hard fought action.
The vessels were constantly very near, and much of the time
alongside, so that balls were thrown from one to the other by hand.
The Duff struck, but taking fire about the same time, she in a
few minutes blew up. Between
thirty and forty of her people were saved and taken onboard the
Protector, where a malignant fever soon spread and carried off two
thirds of Captain William’s crew.
He returned to an eastern port, and landing his prisoners and
recruiting his men sailed on a second cruise.
Falling in with a British sloop of war and frigate, the Protector
was captured. The principal
officers were taken to England, but Preble, by the interest of a friend
of his father, Colonel William Tyng, obtained his release at New York,
and returned to his friends.
He then entered as first lieutenant onboard the sloop of war
Winthrop, Captain George Little, who had been Captain William’s second
in command in the Protector, had scaled the walls of his prison at
Plymouth, and with one person escaping in a wherry to France, took
passage thence to Boston.
One of Mr. Preble’s exploits, while in this station, has been
often mentioned as an instance of daring courage, and cool intrepidity
not less than of good fortune. He
boarded and cut out an English armed brig of superior force to the
Winthrop lying in Penobscot harbour, under circumstances that justly
gave the action great éclat. Little
had taken the brig’s tender, from whom he gained such information of
the situation of the brig, as made him resolve to attempt seizing ion
her by surprise. He ran her alongside in the night, having prepared forty men
to jump into her dressed in white frocks, to enable them to distinguish
friend from foe. Coming
close upon her he was hailed by the enemy, who as was said, supposed the
Winthrop must be her tender, and who cried out, “you will run
aboard!” He answered,
“I am coming aboard,” and immediately Preble, with fourteen men,
sprung into the brig. The
motion of the vessel was so rapid that the rest of the forty destined
for boarding missed their opportunity.
Little called to his lieutenant, “will you not have more
men?” “No,” he
answered with great presence of mind and a loud voice, “we have more
than we want; we stand in each other’s way.” Those of the enemy’s crew who were on deck chiefly leaped
over the side, and others below from the cabin window, and swam to the
shore, which was within pistol shot.
Preble instantly entering the cabin found the officers in bed or
just rising; he assured them they were his prisoners, and that
resistance was vain, and, of attempted, would be fatal to them.
Believing they were surprised and mastered by superior numbers
they forbore any attempt to rescue the vessel and submitted.
The troops of the enemy marched down to the shore, and commenced
a brisk firing with muskets, and the battery opened a cannonade, which,
however, was too high to take effect.
In the meantime the captor’s beat their prize out of the
harbour, exposed for a considerable space to volleys of musketry, and
took her in triumph to Boston.
Lieutenant Preble continued in Winthrop till the peace of 1783.
This vessel is acknowledged to have rendered eminent service by
protecting our trade near our shores, and picking up a great number of
the small privateers with issued from the British ports to the eastward.
From this period the flag of our nation began to be displayed in
every sea, and her ships to visit every mart in both hemispheres.
Mr Preble was a shipmaster in successive voyages, to various
places, near and distant.
In the year 1798, the accumulated injuries and insults of the
rulers of France awakened a spirit of resistance in the people and
government of this country. The
President uttered a cloud call for a navy, and obtained a hearing.
That class of our statesmen and citizens, who had always thought
a maritime force an indispensable instrument both of defence and
negotiation, and who had often before pleaded for it in vain, embraced
the occasion to begin the good work.
In this and the following year, fifteen frigates, and about
twelve other vessels of war were built and commissioned.
It was fortunate for the prosperity and usefulness of this infant
establishment that many of the naval heroes of the revolution, who had
been accustomed to maritime warfare, were of an age to be employed in
the service, and acknowledged the claim of their country to the benefit
of their experience.
Of the five first lieutenants, first appointed, Mr Preble was
one. In the fall and winter
of 1798-9 he made two cruisers as commandant of the brig Pickering.
The next year 1799, he received a captain’s commission, and the
command of the frigate Essex, of thirty-six guns.
January 1800, he made a voyage in her to Batavia; whither he was
sent with Captain James Sever in the Congress to convoy our homeward
bound trade from India and the East.
The day after leaving port, a storm came on and they parked from
the three vessels under convoy out.
On the 12th in a heavy gale, he lost sight of the
Congress. She unfortunately was dismasted and obliged to put back.
The Essex pursued the voyage alone; after waiting a suitable time
at the Cape of Good Hope to see if the Congress would come up, she
sailed for Batavia. Before
and after arriving at that port, Captain Preble made two cruisers of a
fortnight each in the straits of Sunda.
In June he took under convoy home, fourteen sails of American
merchantmen, valued at several millions of dollars. He was separated from them in a tremendous gale off the bank
of Lagullos-but of them rejoined him afterwards at St. Helena, and were
protected till they were considered out of danger.
He met few cruisers of the enemy.
He gave keen chase to a French corvette, from the Isle of France,
which he would have overtaken, but the wind dying away, she escaped by
means of her sweeps. He
arrived at New York near the end of the year.
He had been sick on the voyage, and failed in health exceedingly
afterwards. Being appointed
to the Adams for the Mediterranean, he was too feeble to take command,
and was obliged to resign her to Captain Campbell.
In the year 1803 he was sufficiently recovered to enter again
upon duty. At this time he
commenced a career in which he acquired great honour; and exalted the
character and evinced the importance of our infant navy.
In May of that year he was appointed to the command of the
frigate Constitution, then lying in Boston, which he was instructed to
get ready for sea. In June
he received orders to take charge of the squadron destined to act in the
Mediterranean, as soon as it should be prepared; consisting of seven
sail, viz: -the Constitution, forty-four guns; Philadelphia,
forty-four-already on the station; Argus, eighteen; siren, sixteen,
Nautilus, sixteen; Vixen, sixteen; Enterprise, fourteen.
This force was committed to his direction, for the purpose of
protecting effectually the commerce and seamen of the United States
against the Tripolitan cruisers on the Atlantic Ocean, the
Mediterranean, and adjoining seas.
The squadron sailed on the 13th of August, and reached
Gibraltar on the 13th of September. Here Commodore Preble
learned from Captains Bainbridge and Rogers that they had seized and
detained in the Mediterranean, several vessels belonging to the Emperor
of Morocco, and evidently sailing with orders to cruise for Americans.
In consequence of this information, Preble wrote to Mr. Simpson,
the American Consul at Tangier, desiring him to assure the court of
Morocco, that the United States desired to maintain peace with his
Majesty’s on proper terms; but that should punish as a pirate every
Moorish cruiser who should be found to have taken an American.
Rogers was to remain a few days on the station and then join
Commodore Preble in Tangier bay, to assist adjusting affairs with the
Emperor.
On the 17th, Preble hoisted a white flag in Tangier
bay, where he appeared with the Constitution and John Adams, having
onboard the principal Moorish officers of the prizes taken by Bainbridge
and Rogers. The American
consul was not allowed to come onboard, but remained confined in his
house guarded by sentinels, and having no communication with the ship,
but by writing on an open slip of paper. The Emperor was at Fez, at this time, and the governor at
Tetuan.
Preble believed that the Moorish court had long meditated war,
and waited only a favourable opportunity for declaring it.
He determined, therefore, to take a decided course, and convince
the Emperor that the system of concession was abandoned. Rogers would co-operate with him; and Preble gave orders to
his squadron to bring in for examination all vessels belonging to the
Emperor and his subjects. He
also despatched several vessels to cruise off the coat of Morocco, and
the Philadelphia and Vixen to lie before Tripoli.
The American consul explained these hostile movements to the
Emperor, who replied that if the governor’s orders to capture and
detain American vessels had been given under a general discretion, he
would refuse his sanction to them.
On the 5th of October, the Commodore anchored in
Tangier bay, about a mile and a half from the circular battery, having
the Nautilus in company. The frigates New York and John Adams joined him on the 6th;
and on the same day, his Moorish Majesty arrived, and encamped on the
beach, opposite the squadron, with a force of about five thousand foot
and horse. Preble ordered
the ship to be dressed, and a salute of twenty-one guns to be fired, to
which the battery returned an equal number.
The same was done to the other frigates the following morning.
The Emperor ordered a present of bullocks, sheep and fowls for
the squadron, as a token of good will; and the consul gave information
that the negotiation would be opened on the arrival of the Emperor’s
minister.
On the 8th the Emperor visited the beach in order to
view the squadron. The
Constitution fired the usual salute of twenty-one guns, which greatly
gratified his Majesty. Several respectable Moors-among them the captain of the port
came off to see their friends, who were prisoners onboard. The consul gave notice next day that the Emperor had ordered
the release of the American brig at Mogadore, and that the 11th
was appointed for an audience with the Commodore.
On the day assigned, Preble landed and repaired to the court,
accompanied by Col. Lear, Mr. Morris, and two midshipmen.
He desired, in case of any forcible detention, that the
commanding officer onboard would enter into no treaty for his release;
but open an immediate fire upon the town.
They were ushered into the presence of the court with the usual
formalities, and conversed for some time with the Emperor through an
interpreter. His Majesty
expressed much sorrow that any difference had occurred, disavowed having
given any hostile orders, declared he would restore all American
vessels, detained in consequence of any of his governor’s acts, and
offered to renew the treaty of 1786.
The Commodore and consul, on the part of the United States,
promised that the Emperor’s property should be restored, and the
orders of capture revoked. An
interview was then held with the minister, the details settled, and the
mutual stipulations were forth with executed.
The Emperor furnished a formal ratification of the treaty of
1786, and a letter of peace and amity to the President.
Thus, by the happy union of prudence and energy, seconded by a
competent force, we escaped war with a power, from his formidable
situation, and placed our affairs with him in a better condition than
before the variance.
The Commodore having nothing at present to fear from Morocco was
at liberty to direct his principal attention to Tripoli.
The season however was too far advanced for active and permanent
operations against the enemy. Yet
this officer did not indulge himself in repose, or suffer his forces to
be idle. In cruising, where
they necessarily at this time of year encountered a rough sea and
tempestuous weather, in supplying convoy, and in maintaining the
blockade of Tripoli, when practicable, the squadron was fully and
arduously employed. It was
apparent that the Commodore aimed to do all that was possible, and not
merely what was convenient. The
Philadelphia and Vixen has been ordered to the coast of Tripoli.
The Commodore now formally declared the blockade of that place,
and sent notice of the fact to the ministers and consuls of the United
States, to be communicated to the respective neutral powers.
He found it expedient to go to Cadiz, in order to make up his
complement of men, and procure a few supplies not to be obtained at that
time at Gibraltar. An
unpleasant circumstance, not expected, seldom before experienced by our
public vessels, and afterwards remedied by orders of Lord Nelson, made
him willing to shorten his stay at the last mentioned port.
Several commanders of British ships of war lying there insisted
on retaining those deserters from the Commodore’s squadron, who were
believed to be British subjects. It
was indispensable to the exercise of discipline, to be protected in his
right to his own seamen. The refusal of this essential courtesy, in the
present instance, was one reason of his fixing on Syracuse, instead of
Malta, for his rendezvous.
Our officer returned from Cadiz on the sixth of November; and
having allotted the Argus, Captain Hall, to the Gibraltar station, and
disposed of his other force, he proceeded to Algiers, where he was to
leave Colonel Lear, the consul general.
On the 22nd he sailed from Algiers for Syracuse; and
on his voyage was informed of the disastrous loss of the Philadelphia,
Captain William Bainbridge. On
the 31st of October, after pursuing a Tripolitan corsair till
she came to seven fathoms water, in beating off, she ran on a rock, not
laid in any chart, about four and a half miles from the town.
Every exertion to get off proved ineffectual.
Meanwhile she was attacked by numerous gunboats, which she
withstood for four hours, whilst the careening of the ship made the guns
totally useless. A reinforcement coming off, and no possible means of
resisting them appearing, the captain submitted to the horrid necessity
of striking to his barbarous enemy.
They took possession of the ship, and made prisoners of the
officers and men-in number three hundred-with robbery violence, and
insult. In forty-eight hours, the wind blowing inshore, the
Tripoitans were able to get off the frigate, and having raised her guns,
towed her into the harbour of Tripoli.
The Commodore apprehended the worst from this diminution of his
force a war with Tunis and perhaps, with Algiers, at least a protection
of the present war. He
could not but hope the government would repair this loss by another
frigate in the spring, and also would furnish him with more small
vessels or gunboats. His
idea of the amount and distribution of force to be desired, he mentions
in a subsequent letter, observing, “we ought to have a brig and
schooner to cruise between Cape Bon and Sicily; a brig or schooner off
Cape Margaret, to the south of Tripoli; a brig on the coast of Calabria;
two frigates, with one schooner and some gun and mortar boats, before
Tripoli, and a brig and schooner to cruise from Derne to Bengaza. With such a force, so disposed, Tripoli might soon be brought
to any terms we might please to dictate.”
He proceeded to Syracuse, where he was received with much
hospitality, and aided by the governor with the accommodations he needed
for his squadron. He also
found Sir Alexander Ball, at Malta, (which he soon visited,) disposed to
show him every good office. December
14th he sailed with the Enterprise, on a winter cruise,
admist boisterous weather; for many days it blew a gale.
On the morning of the 23rd, the Enterprise captured a
ketch in sight of Triploi, which left that port in the night, bound to
Bengaza. She was under
Turkish colours, and navigated by Turks and Greeks; but had onboard two
Tripolitan officers of distinction, a son of one of the officers, a
number of Tripoline soldiers, and forty or more blacks-men and
women-slaves belonging to the Bashaw and his subjects.
He at first determined to release the vessel and men claimed by
the Turkish captain, and retain the Tripolines, about sixty in number,
as prisoners, hoping they would afford an advantage in negotiation, and
perhaps, be exchanged for some of our countrymen.
Before this determination was executed, he ascertained that the
captain had been active in taking the Philadelphia.
Having received onboard this very vessel one hundred Tripolitans,
armed with swords and muskets, and substituted the colours of the enemy
for his own, he assaulted the frigate, and when she was boarded,
plundered the officers. He
had no hesitation in retaining the vessel; because she was either a
Tripoline, and then a prize, or a Turk, and then a pirate. She was not in a condition to be sent to the United States.
He transmitted her papers to government, and some time after, had
her appraised, and took her into the service as the ketch Intrepid.
February 3rd 1804 Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, with
seventy volunteers, in the Intrepid, and accompanied by the Syren,
sailed for Tripoli, with a view to destroy, as they could not in any
event expect to bring out the frigate Philadelphia.
On the 16th, the service was accomplished in the most
gallant manner. Lieutenant
Decatur entered the harbour of Tripoli in the night; and laying his
vessel alongside the frigate, boarded and carried her against all
opposition. A large number
of men were onboard, of whom twenty or thirty were slain, and the
remainder driven over the side, accepting one boat’s crew, which
escaped to the shore, and one person made prisoner.
The assailants then set fire to her and left her.
She was soon in a complete blaze, and was totally consumed.
The frigate lay within half gunshot of the castle and the
principal battery, with her guns mounted and loaded, and two corsairs,
full of men, were riding very near.
We had none killed, and only one wounded.
From this time till the bombardment of Tripoli, the Commodore was
occupied in cruising, in keeping up the blockade of the Tripoline
harbour, and in making preparations for an attack.
He took the utmost pains to convey supplies and information to
Captain Bainbridge, and his officers and men; and, after a time, by
means of the good offices of Sir Alexander Ball, succeeded.
He tried several times to negotiate for a ransom and treaty; but
the demands of the regency were sometimes ridiculously extravagant, and
when lowest, beyond what he thought himself permitted to accord.
The design of warfare he had entertained were checked by a
solicitude for the release of his countrymen; though he may, by some
persons, perhaps, be thought to have indulged too far his aversion to
the payment of a considerable ransom.
He found himself able to make their situation as comfortable as
the nature of it would admit; and he believed that the infliction of
suffering and terror, when the time should come, upon the enemy, would
not produce, as it did not, any long continued aggravation of the evils
of their condition, while it would essentially serve his country.
Indeed, after the destruction of the Philadelphia, the Bashaw at
first affected to avenge himself by a severer treatment of the captives;
but this was not long persisted in.
It was supposed that in case of a formidable attack on the town,
the worst that would happen to them would be to be taken into the
country for safekeeping. It
must however, be confessed impossible for any one to have said to what
lengths the fury and fanaticism of that people might go, if no
concession was made to their pride or avarice, or the pressure of the
war should drive then to desperation; our unfortunate countrymen must
often have shuddered at the thought of their possible destiny.
When the First Consul of France, in March at the instance of Mr
Livingston, directed his commissary at this regency to meditate for
their release, Mr Beaussier undertook the office; and announced to the
Commodore, that one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, with some usual
gratuities, would probably effect the object, and that perhaps, a cartel
for the exchange of prisoners might be negotiated, which would reduce
the sum. The Commodore did
not think himself authorised to agree to these terms, and never would go
beyond eighty thousand; not that the amount was important, except on
principle, and as it might affect our relations to the other Barbary
powers. In June the Russian
court, through their minister at the Porte, interposed; but did not
bring the regency to our conditions.
From first to last, it was a point of honour with his excellency,
the Bashaw, not to give up the American captives for a less sum than had
been usually received from most of the powers of Europe, in turn for the
ransom of captives of like number and quality.
Even after the bombardment in the ensuing summer, he was not
ready to yield, though he was really sick of the war.
In his view, he was conquered when he ceased to be amply paid for
his prisoners. He finally
accepted sixty thousand dollar, satisfied, no doubt, that our naval
armament would be coeval at least with his hostility, if not at all
times equally active and formidable; but especially at that moment
apprehensive that his brother’s general, Eaton, if not disarmed by
negotiation, would reinstate Hamet in the sovereignty of Tripoli.
On the 1st of April, the Commodore went to display
force at Tunis; where he found a Tripoline polacre dismantled, having
been blockaded for sixteen days by Captain Decatur.
The Bey of Tunis had, for some time, been uneasy at his treaty
with the United States. Why
should he not, like Algeirs, have an annual stipend?
He insisted that the Commodore should land and satisfy him for
some property alleged to be unlawfully seized by the former squadron.
The Commodore made a short answer, that it was not his business,
and that he must put to sea. He
found it necessary to watch Tunisduring the whole of his command.
In the spring he took another prize, a Tripoline; and, upon the
presumption of her being condemned, she was estimated, equipped, and put
in commission, called the Scourge.
Finding that force did not arrive from the United States, our
officer resolved to endeavour to make some use of the friendship of
Naples. Although he was
without diplomatic authority, the minister, General Acton, from persona
respect and good will to the service, favoured his application to the
King, and the Commodore obtained, as a friendly loan from the king to
the United States, six gunboats and two bomb vessels, completely fitted
for service; also liberty to ship twelve or fifteen Neapolitans to serve
under our flag in each boat.
With this addition to his armament, on the 21stJuly he joined the
detachment off Tripoli. His
force consisted of the frigate Constitution, forty-four guns,
twenty-four lb; brig Argus, eighteen guns, twenty-four lb; brig Syren,
eighteen guns, eighteen lb; Scourge; schooner Vixen, sixteen guns, six
lb; schooner Nautilus, sixteen guns, six lb; enterprise, fourteen guns,
six lb; six gunboats of one brass twenty-six pounder each; and two
bombard ketches, each carrying a thirteen inch mortar; the whole number
of men one thousand and sixty.
The enemy had on his castle and several batteries, one hundred
and fifteen guns; fifty-five of which were heavy battering brass
cannon-the others long eighteen and twelve pounders; nineteen gunboats,
with each a long brass eighteen or twenty-four pounder in the bow and
two howitzers abaft. He had
two schooners of eight guns each, a brig of ten, and two gallies, having
each four guns. In addition
to the ordinary Turkish garrison, stationed upon the fortifications, and
the crews of the boats and armed vessels, computed at about three
thousand, the Bashaw had called into the defence of his city more than
twenty thousand Arabs. These
forces were arranged in the positions best adapted for repelling an
attack, and also seizing the occasion of falling upon any detachment of
the invading force, which could be drawn from the main body.
The weather prevented the squadron
from approaching the enemy till the 28th, when after
anchoring within two and a half miles of his line of defence, the wind
suddenly shifted and increased to a gale.
They were compelled to weigh and gain an offing. On the 1st of August, the gale subsided, and the
squadron on the 3rd, (the weather being pleasant and the wind
at east,) at non were within two or three miles of the batteries, which
were all closely manned.
The Commodore, observing that several of the enemy’s boats had
taken a station without the reef of rocks, which covers the entrance of
the harbour, about two miles from its bottom, resolved to take advantage
of this circumstance, and made signal for the squadron to come within
speaking distance, when he communicated to the several commanders his
intention of attacking the shipping and batteries.
The gun and mortar boats were immediately manned, and prepared to
cast off. The gunboats in two divisions of three each-the first
division under Captain Somers onboard No. 1, with Lieutenant James
Decatur in No. 2, and Lieutenant Blake in No. 3.
The second division under Captain Decatur in No. 4, with
Lieutenant Bainbridge in No. 5, and Lieutenant Trippe in No. 6.
Mr. Robisnon, first lieutenant of the Commodore’s ship,
commanded by Lieutenant commandant Dent, and the two bombards.
At half past one, the squadron stood for the batteries-at two,
cast off the gunboats; at half past two, signal for the bombs and boats
to advance and attack, and in fifteen minutes after, signal was given
for general action. The bombs throwing shells into the town commenced
it. In an instant the enemy’s lines opened a tremendous fire
from not less than two hundred guns, which was promptly returned by the
whole squadron, now within musket-shot of the principal batteries.
At this moment Captain Decatur, with his three gunboats, attacked
the enemy’s eastern division, consisting of nine.
He was soon in the centre of them, and the fire of grape,
langrage and musketry was changed to a deadly personnel combat with the
bayonet, spear, sabre and tomahawk.
Captain Decatur grappled one of the enemy’s boats, and boarded
with but fifteen men. He
parried the blows of five Turks, who fell upon him with scimitars, so as
to receive no injury, till a blow from the boats captain, a powerful
Turk, cleft his blade in two. He instantly closed with the Turk, but overpowered by
muscular strength, he fell under him across the gunnels of the boat.
In this position he drew a side pistol, and killed his
antagonist. Meantime, his
sergeant and a marine soldier, seeing his danger, flew to his relief,
and engaged and slew the other four assailants.
By this time the other thirteen men had vanquished the residue of
the crew, thirty-one in numbers, and the boats colours were hauled down.
Captain Decatur left this boat in charge of an officer, and
immediately with Lieutenant M’ Donough, and eight men beside himself,
laid another boat onboard, which he carried, after a desperate and
bloody encounter of a few minutes.
The fierce desperation of the Arnaout Turks, who value themselves
on never yielding, made the slaughter of the enemy in these conflicts
immense. The two prizes of
Captain Decatur had thirty-three officers and men killed, and
twenty-seven made prisoners, nineteen of whom were severely wounded.
Lieutenant Trippe boarded one of the enemy’s large boats with
only a midshipman, Mr. Jonathon Henley, and nine men.
His boat falling off before any more could join him, he was left
to conquer or perish with the fearful odds of eleven to thirty-six.
In a few minutes, however, though for a moment the victory seemed
dubious, the enemy was subdued; fourteen of them lost their lives, and
twenty-two submitted to be prisoners; seven of whom were badly wounded.
Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre wounds, some of which
were deep and dangerous. The
blade of his sword also yielded. He
closed with the enemy; both fell, but in the struggle, Trippe wrested
the Turk’s sword from him, and with it pierced his body.
Mr Henley, in this encounter, displayed a valour joined to a
coolness that would have honoured a veteran.
Lieutenant Bainbridge had his lateen yard shot away, which
baffled his utmost exertions to get alongside the enemy’s boats; but
his active and well-directed fire within musket shot was very effective.
At one time he had in his ardour pushed forward so that his boat
grounded within pistol shot of one of the enemy’s formidable
batteries, and where he was exposed to volleys of musketry.
But, by address and courage, he extricated himself from this
situation, and so ill directed was the enemy’s fire, without receiving
any injury.
Captain Domers was not able to fetch far enough to windward, to
co-operate with Decatur. But
he bore down upon the leeward division of the enemy, and, with his
single boat, within pistol shot attacked five full manned boats,
defeated and drove them in a shattered condition, and with the loss of
many lives, under shelter of the rocks.
Lieutenant Decatur, in No. 2, engaged with one of the enemy’s
largest boats, which struck after the loss of the greatest part of her
men. At the moment this
brave young officer was stepping onboard his prize, he was shot through
the head by the Turkish captain, who, by this means, escaped, while the
Americans were recovering the body of their unfortunate commander.
The two bomb vessels kept their station, although often covered
with the spray of the sea, occasioned by the enemy’s shot.
They kept up a constant fire and threw a great number of shells
into the town. Five of the
enemy’s gunboats and two gallies, composing their centre division,
stationed within the rocks, joined by the boats which had been driven
in, and reinforced, twice attempted to row out and surround our gunboats
and prizes. They were as often foiled by the vigilance of the Commodore,
who gave signal to the brigs and schooners to cover them, which was
properly attended to by these vessels, all of which were gallantly
conducted, and annoyed the enemy exceedingly.
The fire of the Constitution had its ample share in this
bombardment. It kept the enemy’s flotilla in constant disorder, and
produced no inconsiderable effect on shore.
The frigate was constantly in easy motion; and always found where
danger threatened to defeat the arrangements of the day.
Several times she was within two cables length of the rocks, and
three of the batteries, every one of which were successively silenced as
often as her broadside could be brought to bear on them; but having no
large vessels to secure these advantages, when circumstances compelled
her to change her position, the silenced batteries were reanimated. “We suffered most,” says the Commodore, “when wearing
or tacking. It was then in
most sensibly felt the want of another frigate.”
At half past four, the wind inclining to the northward, and at
the same time the enemy’s flotilla having retreated behind coverts
which shielded them from our shot, while out people were necessarily
much exhausted by two hours and a half severe exertion, signal was given
for the gunboats and bombs to retire from action; and, immediately
after, to the brigs and schooners to take the gunboats and their prizes
in tow, which was handsomely executed, the whole covered by a heavy fire
from the Constitution. In
fifteen minutes the squadron was out of reach of the enemy’s shot, and
the Commodore hauled off to give tow to the bomb ketches.
The squadron were more than two hours within grapeshot distance
of the enemy’s batteries, and under a constant fire.
But the damage received was in no proportion to the apparent
danger, or to the effect produced by the assailants.
The frigate took a thirty-two pound shot in her mainmast, about
thirty feet from the deck, her sails and rigging were considerable cut;
one of her quarterdeck guns was injured by a round shot, which burst in
pieces and shattered a mariner’s arm, but not a man was killed on
board of her. The other
vessels and boats suffered in their rigging, and had sundry men wounded,
but lost none except Lieutenant Decatur, the brother of the Captain
Decatur, so conspicuous in this war.
Several circumstances explain this impunity of our squadron.
Where the engagement was close as with the boats the impetuosity
of the attack as well as our more dexterous use of the weapons of
destruction overpowered and appalled the enemy.
The barbarians are unskilful gunners.
The shower of grapeshot annoyed and discomposed them in the
application of what little skill they possessed.
The assailing party were so near as to be overshot by the
batteries; especially as the managers of the guns were so fearful of
exposing their heads above the parapets, as easily to oversight their
object.
Very different was the result of this conflict to the enemy.
The American fire was not an empty peal, but a messenger of death
in every direction. The
three captured boats had one hundred and three men onboard, forty-seven
of whom were killed, twenty-six wounded, and thirty only fit for duty.
Three other boats were sunk with their entire crews, and the
decks of their vessels in the harbour were swept of numbers.
The effect on shore was not so great as in the shipping, but
still such as to spread consternation.
Several Turks were killed and wounded, and many guns of the fort
dismounted, and the town was considerably damaged.
As might be expected, the bombardment made a powerful impression
on the mind of the enemy. The
burning of the Philadelphia could not fail to make the Bashaw and his
people apprehend something serious from the present commander.
When the squadron was seen standing in, however, he affected
contempt, and surveying them from his palace, observed, “they will
mark their distance for tacking; they are a sort of Jews who have no
notion of fighting.” The palace and terraces of the houses were crowded with
spectators to see the chastisement the Bashaw’s boats would give the
squadron, if they approached too near.
This exultation was very transient.
The battle was scarcely joined, when no one was seen on shore,
except on the batteries. Many
of the inhabitants fled into the country; and the Bashaw, it is said,
retreated, with his priest, to his bombproof room.
An intelligent officer of the Philadelphia, then in captivity,
observes, that the Turks asked if those men that fought so were
Americans, or infernal in Christian shape, sent to destroy the sons of
the prophet. “The
English, French and Spanish consuls,” say they, “have told us that
they are a young nation, and got their independence by means of France;
that they had a small navy and their officers were inexperienced, and
that they were merely a nation of merchants, and that by taking their
ships and men, we should get great ransoms.
Instead of this, their Preble pays us a coin of shot, shells, and
hard blows; and sent a Decatur, in a dark night, with a band of
Christian dogs fierce and cruel as the tiger, who killed our brothers
and burnt our ships before our eyes.”
On the 5th August, the Commodore prevailed on a French
privateer which had left Tripoli that morning, to return with fourteen
wounded Tripolines, whose wounds had been carefully dressed, and whom
the Commodore sent with a letter to the Bashaw’s minister.
These prisoners, it is said, informed the prince that the
Americans in battle were fiercer than lions, but, in the treatment of
their captives, were even kinder than the Musselman.
The barbarians at first misunderstood the motive of sending these
men, but afterwards professed to be pleased with the act, and said if he
took any wounded Americans they should be likewise returned; but he
would not restore any of the Philadelphia’s crew.
On the 7th, the privateer returned with a letter from
the French consul signifying that the Bashaw had very much lowered his
tone; and would probably treat on reasonable terms.
But nothing definite or satisfactory being proposed by the enemy,
and the terms intimated being higher than the commander was willing he
felt authorised to make, he prepared for a second attack.
The bomb vessels, under lieutenants Crane and Thorne, were to
take a station in a small bay west of the town, whence they could
distress the town without being much exposed themselves; the gunboats
were to be opposed to a seven gun battery, and the brigs and schooners
to support them in case the enemy’s flotilla should venture out.
At half past two, the assault was made.
Within two hours six of the seven guns were silenced.
Forty-eight shells and about five hundred round shot, twenty-four
pounders, were thrown into the town and batteries, when, between five
and six, the squadron retired from action.
During the engagement, the enemy’s gunboats and gallies
manoeuvred to gain a position to cut off the retreat of ours; but the
larger vessels were so arranged as to defeat their design.
In this recounter, at about half past three, one of the prize
boats was blown up by a hot shot from the enemy’s battery, which
passed through her magazine. She
had onboard twenty-eight officers, seamen and marines, ten of whom were
killed, and six wounded, among the former were Mr James Caldwell, first
lieutenant of the Siren, and Mr J. Dorsey, midshipman.
Mr Spence, midshipman, and eleven men were taken up unhurt,.
This young officer was super tending the loading of a gun when
the explosion took place. He
with the survivors, finished the loading, and having discharged her,
whilst the boat was sinking, jumped into the sea and was taken up by
another boat. The loss this
day was twenty-two killed, and six wounded, two of them mortally.
It was afterwards ascertained that the enemy suffered less at
this time than on the third. At
eight, in the evening, the John Adams, Captain Chaunvey, joined the
squadron. By him the Commodore had the first official notice that four
frigates were on their passage to reinforce his detachment?
At the same time also he learned, that by the appointment of a
senior officer to one of the frigates, he would be superseded in the
command. The government
were highly satisfied with the Commodore, but they had not a sufficient
number of captains, juniors to Preble, to supply all the frigates sent
out; and they did not think the saving of his feelings would justify the
certain of any others. Had
they, however, known or anticipated his brilliant success at this time,
they would probably, have ventured upon promoting one or two of the
gallant lieutenants in the Mediterranean, in order to keep the Commodore
in chief command.
As the frigates were to sail four days after the John Adams,
further operations were suspended in expectation of their arrival.
No assistance could be received from this frigate, as her guns
had been stowed by the keelson, and their carriages put away in the
other frigates, to make room for her cargo, she being sent out as a
transport.
Captain Chauncey received orders to remain on the station, that
Commodore Preble might make use of his boats and men, should the delay
of the expected reinforcement determined him to renew the attack.
The squadron kept their station before the town, prepared to
strike a decisive blow on the arrival of Commodore Barron.
On the 9th Commodore Preble, in the rig Argus,
reconnoitred the harbour. The
next day, a flag of truce was seen flying on the shore.
The Commodore sent a boat on shore, which was permitted to land,
but returned with a letter from the French consul, advising the
Commodore that the Bashaw would accept five hundred dollars each for the
ransom of the prisoners, and terminate the war without any consideration
of annuity for peace.
The amount of the demand was about one hundred and fifty thousand
dollars, which the commodore rejected, but, for the sake of the
captives, and to save the further effusion of blood, offered eighty
thousand, and ten thousand for presents.
After beginning to treat with the French commissary general, the
Bashaw suspended the negotiation, saying he would wait the result of
another attack. On the
night of the 23rd the bomb vessels, under protection of the
gunboats, were sent in to bombard the town. The bombardment commenced at two, A. M. and continued till
daylight; but, as it was subsequently ascertained, without much effect.
On the 27th, the weather
proving favourable, the Commodore stood in for Tripoli, and anchored his
ship two miles N by E from fort English; the light vessels keeping under
way. A number of his
officers and many of the seamen being employed in the boats, Captain
Chauncey and several of his officers, with about seventy seamen,
volunteered their services on board the Constitution.
The gunboats accompanied by the Syren, Argus, Vixen, Nautilus,
enterprise and boats of the squadron anchored, at three in the morning,
within pistol shot of the enemy’s lines, with springs on their cables,
and commenced a brisk fire on their shipping, town, batteries, and
castle, which was warmly returned.
The ship’s boats remained with the gunboats to assist in
boarding the flotilla, in case it should come out, and the brigs and
schooners were kept under way, either to harass te enemy or to assist
the gunboats. At daylight,
apprehensive that the ammunition in the gunboats must be nearly
exhausted, the Commodore weighed anchor, and standing in, under the
direct fire of fort English, the castle, crown and mole batteries, made
signal for the gunboats to retire from action.
When arrived within a sure distance, he opened his battery with
round and grapeshot, upon thirteen gunboats and gallies, which were
closely engaged with ours; sunk one of them, disabled two, and put the
rest to flight. He
continued running in until within musket shot of the batteries; when he
hove to, fired three hundred round shot, besides grape and canister,
into the Bashaw’s castle, town and batteries.
He silenced the castle, and two of the batteries, and a little
after six hauled off.
The gunboats fire four hundred round shot, besides grape and
canister, with evident effect.
A boat from the John Adams, with a
master’s mate and eight men onboard, was sunk by a double-headed shot,
which killed three seamen and badly wounded another.
The effect of this attack was serious on shore.
A thirty-six pound shot penetrated the castle and entered the
apartment of the prisoners, and damage was done to houses, and some
lives destroyed.
The French commissary now renewed the negotiation for peace, but
it was broken off in consequence, as he thought, one of the squadron
approaching the harbour, as a cartel, which he said was interpreted by
the ignorant and mistrustful Bashaw as a proof of discouragement on the
part of the invader.
On the 3rd September, the bomb ketches being repaired,
as well as the damages sustained by the other vessels in the action of
the 27th, the squadron was again ready and disposed for
another attack on the town and batteries.
Between three and four o’clock, the action commenced and soon
became general. As our
gunboats bore down on the boats and gallies of the enemy, they gave
ground, and retreated under cover of the musketry on shore. The brigs and schooners pursued with the gunboats as far as
the depth of the water would permit, and within musket shot of fort
English. The action in this
quarter now became divided. The
brigs and schooners with one division of the gunboats engaged fort
English; the other division continued engaged with the boats and gallies.
The two bomb ketches, while directing their shells into the town,
were exposed to the direct fire from the Bashaw’s castles, the crown,
mole and several other batteries. The
Commodore, perceiving their danger, ran his ship between them and the
batteries, within musket shot, where not less than seventy guns were
brought to bear on him, and there discharged eleven broadsides with so
good effect as to silence one of the principal batteries, and to injure
the others and town materially. The
wind veering to the northward and beginning to blow fresh, ay half past
four, he gave signal to retire from action under cover of the
Constitution. In this
engagement, although the frigate and vessels were much damaged, not a
man was lost. The bomb
vessel commanded by Lieutenant Robinson had all her shrouds shot away,
and was so shattered in the hull as to be kept above water with
difficulty. The Argus
received a thirty-two pound shot in her hull, which cut away a bower
cable as it entered, and which so checked its velocity, that it fell
upon deck without doing injury.
The Commodore had for some time contemplated sending a fire ship
into the harbour to destroy the flotilla, and at the same time, to throw
a quantity of shells into the town.
Captain Somers volunteered in this service, and with the
assistance of Lieutenants Wadsworth and Israel, fitted out the ketch
Intrepid for this expedition. An hundred barrels of gunpowder, and one hundred and fifty
fixed shells were placed in the hold, with fuses and combustibles so
applied, as to fire them without endangering the retreat of the
adventurers. On the evening
of the 4th September, Captain Somers chose two fast rowing
boats from the squadron, to bring off the people, having fired the
vessel. Four seamen from
the Nautilus manned his own boat, with Lieutenant Wadsworth and six men
from the Constitution. At
eight, they parted from the squadron and stood into the harbour,
convoyed by the Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus, to within a short distance
of the batteries. Having
gained the inner harbour, and near at the point of destination, she was
boarded and carried by two gallies of one hundred men each.
At this moment, she exploded.
The effect was awful. Every
battery was silenced and not a gun was fired afterwards during the
night. Captain Somers is said to have declared to a friend, that in
case the Intrepid should be boarded, as he was apprehensive, he would
not be captured. There is
every reason to believe that on the enemy proving successful, the
captain seized a quick match and touched a train, which communicated
instant fire to the mine-by, which he and his brave companions found,
with the enemy, a common death.
Nothing occurred after this till the two squadrons joined on the
9th of September. Though
Commodore Barron too departure from the capes of Virginia on the 5th
July, and crossed the Atlantic to the Western Islands in sixteen days,
they were fifty days on their passage thence to the coast of Tripoli,
having experienced forty-one days head winds, and calms in the meantime.
Here ended Mr Peble’s command so honourable to himself, and in
both its immediate and distant consequences important to his country. In naval tactics his active and discerning mind anticipated
the effect of long and familiar experience.
In this enterprise he displayed the rapidity of conception, and
promptitude to act so requisite in critical circumstances, along with
the foresight, circumspection, and steady perseverance always necessary
to success in difficult undertakings.
The energy and intrepidity which marked his character the passion
for achieving deeds of honour that glowed in his breast, were emulated
and shared by his officers, and fully seconded by his men, who thought
mighty things easy under such a commander.
His conduct of this war made an impression on the African
governments, that will not soon be effaced and cannot fail, for a long
period of time, to check their disposition to interrupt the peace that
has been settled.
All joined in the suffrage to the distinguished merits of the
Commodore. His holiness,
the Pope, is said to have remarked, that he had done more towards
humbling the antichristian barbarians on that coast, than all the
Christian States had ever done. Sir
Alexander Ball, in a letter dated September 20th said, “I
beg to repeat my congratulations on the services you have rendered your
country, and the hair-breadth escapes you have had in setting a
distinguished example. Their
bravery and enterprise are worthy a great and rising nation.
If I were to offer my opinion, it would be that you have done
well not to purchase a peace with the enemy.
A few brave men have, indeed, been sacrificed, but they could not
have fallen in a better cause, and I even conceive it advisable to risk
more lives rather than submit to terms which might encourage the Barbary
States to add fresh demands and insults.”
After the squadron joined, the Commodore obtained leave to return
home, which he was the more willing to do as it would give the command
of a frigate to Captain Decatur. The
officers joined in an address to their late commander, containing the
strongest expressions of attachment and respect.
The congress of the United States voted the thanks of the nation
and an emblematical medal, which were presented by the President with
emphatic declarations of esteem and admiration.
When the commodore returned, he was received and treated
everywhere with distinguished attention.
His countrymen showed that they were proud of his fame, and
grateful for his services. From
this time he was much consulted and employed by the government in the
management of their naval concerns peace was the next year made with
Tripoli, and the prisoners ransomed-and our navy was not again ordered
abroad.
In the latter part of the year 1806, the health of Mr Peble began
to decline. It was the same
complaint-a debility of the digestive organs-under, which he was near
sinking a few years before. For
many months he struggled with his disorder, indulging a hope of
recovering till within ten days of his death.
Finding that the inveteracy of his malady bid defiance to medical
skill, he resolved on a water excursion as a last experiment.
On Sunday, the9th of August 1807, he went onboard a packet and
stood out to sea, but finding no relief he returned on the Thursday
following sensible that the hour of his dissolution was approaching.
In the view of this event he displayed the fortitude, which
became his character, and his exit was in full correspondence with his
life. He breathed his last
on Tuesday the 25th of August 1807, in the forty-sixth year
of his age. The inhabitants
of Portland united in every mark of respect to his remains.
On the day of his funeral, business was suspended, the colours
were displayed at half-mast from the shipping in the harbour, and he was
interred with military honours and the ceremonies of religions and
masonry.
On the intelligence of his death reaching Washington, the firing
of minute guns and other marks of naval mourning were ordered in
testimony of the honour due to the memory of a patriot and hero; and of
the unfeigned sorrow produced by his death.
The person, air and countenance of Commodore Preble answered to
his character. His features expressed strong passions along with manly
and generous feelings. His
attitude was erect yet easy and natural, his step firm, and his whole
appearance and port were noble and commanding.
In the calm of domestic life and the society of his equals, he
was placid and affectionate; in the exercise of authority, peremptory
and rigid. But, though he
made he feared, and might be thought sometimes imperious and severe, yet
he retained a strong interest in the affections of his officers and men,
who were convinced of the goodness of his disposition and the sincerity
of his friendship. If he
failed in uniformly restraining the impetuosity of his temper, he had no
trait of arrogance, malignity or revenge in his nature. Signal instances of his humanity and generosity might be
related. He was patient of
labour, and in business was remarkable for exactness and despatch.
He was a kind neighbour and useful public-spirited citizen.
He cherished his relatives with tenderness, and was the object of
their fond regard. He had
been several years married, and left a wife and one child-a son to feel
his loss, and to inherit the precious legacy of his honourable name.
At the time he died, he had nearly completed an elegant mansion
where, in the enjoyment of easy circumstances, and the society of a
beloved family he had looked for the repose endeared by past scenes of
toil and danger. It pleased heaven to defeat his plans and terminate his
prospects by ultimately death, thus teaching us to value one life by the
good and noble actions it contains, and not by the time it endures. |
|
Thomas
Truxtun
The subject of the present memoir, whose deeds shed
lustre on the infant navy of his country, was the son of an eminent
English barrister of the State (then Colony) of New York, and was born
at Long Island on the 17th of February 1755.
Our hero in consequence of the death of his father, was placed
under the guardianship of his intimate friend, John Troup of Jamaica, on
Long Island; from whose affectionate care however, in a short time, the
kindling spark of that spirit, which has since shone so conspicuously in
his character, led him to the sea; and at the early age of twelve years,
he embarked on his trial voyage, onboard the ship Pitt, Captain Joseph
Holmes, bound to Bristol. In
the following year he placed, at his own request, under the direction of
Captain James Chambers-a celebrated commander in the London trade.
During his apprenticeship, when the armament-in consequence of
the dispute respecting the Falkland Islands; took place, he was
impressed onboard the Prudent, an English man of war of sixty-four guns;
but was afterwards released, in consequence of the application of a
person in authority. While
on board the Prudent, the captain pleased with his intelligence and
activity, endeavoured to prevail on him to remain in the service, and
assured him that all his interest should be used for his promotion; but,
notwithstanding the prospects thus opened to his youthful and aspiring
mind, as he conceived that his engagements with his former commander
would not permit him with honour to indulge his wishes, he left the
Prudent, and returned to his old ship.
In the early part of 1775 he commanded a vessel, and was very
successful in bringing considerable quantities of powder into the United
Colonies; but, about the close of the same year, when bound to St.
Eustatius, he was seized off the Island of St. Christopher, by the
British frigate Argo, and detained until the general restraining bill
came out, when his vessel and cargo, of which he owned the half, were
condemned. But what “ill
wind” can wreck the buoyant mind of the sailor? He made his way from St. Christopher’s to St. Eustatius,
and thence embarking in a small vessel, after a short passage, he
arrived in Philadelphia. At
this period, the two first private ships of war fitted out in the
colonies, called the Congress onboard the former as lieutenant.
They sailed in company, early in the winter of 1776, and
proceeded off the Havana, where they captured several valuable Jamaica
ships, bound home through the Gulf of Florida; of one of which he took
the command, and brought her safe into Bedford, Massachusetts.
In June 1777, in company with Isaac Sears he fitted out, at New
York, a vessel called the Independence of which he took the command, and
passing through the Sound, (Lord Howe having arrived with the British
fleet at Sandy Hook, and blocked up that outlet,) he proceeded off the
Azores where besides making several other prizes, he fell in with a part
of the Windward Island convoy, of which he captured three large and
valuable ships; one of which was much superior to the Independence in
both guns and men. On his
return, he fitted out the ship Mars, mounting upwards of twenty guns, in
which he sailed on a cruise in the English Channel. Some of his prizes, which were numerous, he sent into
Quiberon bay, which in a great measure laid the foundation of Lord
Stormont’s remonstrance to the French court, against the admission
into her ports of our armed vessels and their prizes.
On his return from this cruise, he settled in Philadelphia,
commanded and in part owned during the rest of the war, several of the
most important armed vessels built in this place; and brought in from
France and the West India Islands large cargoes of the articles, which
in those eventful times, were of the first necessity for the army.
While carrying out to France, Thomas Barclay our consul general
to that country, he had a very close and severe engagement with a
British privateer ship of war, of thirty-two guns (double his own
force), which he obliged to sheer off; and she was afterwards towed into
New York, by one of the king’s ships, in a very dismantled condition.
The ship then under his command, was called the St. James and
mounted twenty guns, with a crew of about one hundred men-not half the
number on board his enemy.
Here let us pay a tribute of justice upon unquestionable
authority. Captain William
Jones, of Philadelphia, and lately a member of Congress being at this
period a very young man, was patronised by Truxtun, and placed onboard
the St. James, in capacity of third lieutenant; in this station he
conducted himself so bravely and handsomely and with such activity in
this engagement, as well as on all other occasions, that he not only
received the applause of his commander, but was by him soon after
promoted to the first lieutenancy of that ship; and, at subsequent
periods, Truxtun took pleasure, wherever opportunities presented, in
doing justice to his merit, but rendering him that applause to which he
was entitled as an officer and a man.
This he uniformly practices to all whom, from, their deportment
and vigilance in their profession, merited his notice, while under his
command. From this voyage
he returned with the most valuable cargo brought into the United States
during the war. It would be
impossible for us, within the limits of this sketch, to recount the
various instances of activity and zeal displayed by this gallant
officer, during our struggle for independence, not only at sea but also
on two remarkable occasions on the land.
We content ourselves with observing, that in all his actions with
British vessels of war many of which were of force greatly superior to
his own-he was invariably victorious.
After the peace of 1783, he turned attention to commerce; and was
concerned in an extensive trade to Europe, China and the East Indies,
until the commencement of our naval establishment in 179; when, unable
calmly to behold the rights of his country invaded, he stepped forward
at her call, and was one of the first six captains selected by President
Washington. The frigate
Constellation, of thirty-six guns, which he was destined to command, he
was directed to superintend the building of, at Baltimore; and she was
the first one of that armament at sea.
The quasi war, as it is called between this country and France,
under the Directory, having commenced, Commodore Truxtun, with a
squadron under his command, was ordered to protect the commerce of the
United States in the West Indies. It
was while on this service that his brightest laurels were won, by the
capture of two French frigates, each of superior force to his own ship.
On the 9th of February the Constellation being alone
cruising on her prescribed ground, the Island of Nevis bearing W.S.W.
and distant five leagues, made a large ship on the southern board.
The stranger being approached by the Constellation, showed the
American colours, when the private signals were shown.
The chase being unable to answer, further disguise was abandoned,
and hoisting the French ensign, he fired a gun to windward, by way of
challenge, and gallantly awaited the contest.
This being the first time since the revolutionary war that an
American ship had encountered an enemy in any manner which promised a
contest, the officers and men were eager for the engagement; and the
enemy were not inclined to avoid it.
The ships neared, until the constellation, after having been
thrice hailed, opened a fire upon her antagonist.
A fierce cannonade ensued, while the American was drawing ahead.
She suffered much in her sails and rigging, and the foretopmast
was nearly cut off by a shot. This
was in some degree remedied by Mr David Porter, a midshipman who being
unable to communicate the circumstance to others, himself cut the
stoppers and lowered the yard, and thus prevented the fall of the mast
with its rigging. In the
meantime, their superior gunnery gave the action a turn in favour of the
Americans, who were at last enabled to decide the contest by two or
three broadsides, after a combat of an hour, when the American wore
round, and would again have raked her, with all their guns, had she not
prudently struck.
The prize was the French frigate L’Insurgente one of the
fastest vessels in the world. She
was greatly damaged, and had lost in all seventy men.
The Constellation also was much damaged in her rigging, but lost
only three men-wounded-one of whom-Mr James M’Donough-had his foot
shot off.
The Insurgente carried forty guns, and four numbered and nine
men. The American vessel
carried thirty-eight guns, and three hundred and nine men.
It was half past three in the afternoon, when the Insurgente
struck, and Mr Rodgers, the first lieutenant of the Constellation was
sent, together with Mr Porter and eleven men, to take possession and
have the prisoners removed; but, ere this could be effected, the
darkness and a rise of wind separated the ships.
The situation of Rodgers, at this period, was unpleasant in the
extreme. No handcuffs were
to be found, and the prisoners seemed disposed to rebel.
Fortunately, Rodgers was well calculated to act with decision in
such circumstances, and Porter and the men equally prompt in executing
his orders. The prisoners
were sent into the lower hold, and a sentimental stationed at each
hatchway, with orders to shoot any one who should attempt to come upon
deck without orders. Thus
he was obliged to spend three days, at the end of which time he arrived
at St. Kitts, where the Constellation had already arrived.
On the 1st of February 1800, the Constellation came in
sight of a strange sail, off the coast of Gaudaloupe.
Thinking her to be an English merchantman, Truxtun hoisted the
English flag, inn order to be hailed by her.
This was disregarded, and sail made in pursuit, when the stranger
was discovered to be a French man of war.
The English flag was lowered, and all made ready for a desperate
struggle. The enemy’s
ship was ascertained to carry fifty-two guns; but the vessel being very
deep, Truxtun was not discouraged by her superior force, but still gave
chase. The wind being light
during the afternoon, it was not until evening, at eight o’clock, that
they came within speaking distance.
The ship then opened a fire upon them; which was returned, and
kept up till near one in the morning, when the French ship made all sail
to escape. Truxtun ordered
to give chase; but was informed that the mainmast had been nearly shot
away, and as it was found impossible to remedy it, the chase was given
up.
Soon after the ships separated, the mast fell, and several men
were lost by the accident; among them Mr Jarvis, a midshipman.
Mt Truxtun, as no port to windward could be reached, bore up for
Jamaica, where he arrived in safety.
His antagonist, it was ascertained afterwards, arrived at Curacoa,
in a very disabled condition, and reported a loss of fifty killed, and
one hundred and ten wounded. The
loss of the constellation was fourteen killed, and twenty-three wounded,
of who eleven died.
The Cosntellation, at this time carried twenty-eighteens on her
main deck, and the quarterdeck was supplied with ten twenty-four pound
carronades. She numbered
three hundred and ten men. The
Vengeance, the French vessel, carried twenty-eight eighteens, sixteen
twelve’s, and eight forty-two pound carronades.
There are various statements of her crew-all between four hundred
and five hundred men.
It is certain that, but for the loss of her mast, the
Constellation would have the prize into port; indeed, it is reported,
that the Vengeance struck three times, but the Americans continuing
their fire, the colours were hoisted again.
Commodore Truxtun was rewarded for this explore by a promotion to
the command of the President-forty-four guns; and was also presented by
congress with the gold medal.
The Constellation was now given to Captain Murray; and Commodore
Truxtun, hoisting his broad pennant in the President, made another
cruises on the Guadaloupe station, where he rendered eminent service in
the protection of the American commerce against French cruisers, until
the close of the war.
When the Tripolitan war commenced, in 1802, Commodore Truxtun was
ordered to take command of the Mediterranean squadron; and he proceeded
to Norfolk for that purpose, when finding that he was not to be allowed
a captain in the flagship, he tendered his resignation of the command.
As the Navy Department chose to consider the step a resignation
of his commission, the circumstance, unfortunately for his country, led
to his retirement from public life.
After his retirement from the navy, Commodore Truxtun continued
to reside in Philadelphia to the close of his life.
He filled several important civil offices, and won from all
classes of his fellow citizens not less respect for his private
character, than he had previously enjoyed for his brilliant public
services. He died in 1822,
at the age of sixty-seven.
Commodore Truxtun was
one of the bravest officers the American navy can boast.
His engagement with the Insurgente, as it resulted in the capture
of a prize, and was the first action after the navy was re-organised,
has procured him great celebrity; but the action with the Vengeance,
being with a ship of so greatly superior force, which was fairly
conquered, and only enabled to escape by an accident, was justly
regarded by congress as the most deserving of a public testimonial of
honour. Both these actions
were of immense service, by inspiriting the officers and men of our
marine, and bringing the navy once more into that high state of
popularity, which it had enjoyed in the tremendous and glorious period
of the Revolution. |
|
Jacob Jones
On preparing the present notice of Commodore
Jone’s life, we have been chiefly indebted to the assistance of an
eminent naval biographer, who had the advantage of serving as an officer
under his command, during the whole of the late war with Great Britain-a
war in which the subject of this memoir was one of the most
distinguished of our commanders.
Jacob Jones of the United States navy, was born about the year
1770, near the village of Smyrna, in the country of Kent, State of
Delaware. His father was an Independent and respectable farmer, of
excellent moral and religious character.
His mother was of a good family of the name of Jones; an amiable
and interesting woman; she died when the subject of this memoir was yet
an infant. Between two and
three years afterwards, his father married again, with a Miss Holt,
granddaughter of the Hon. Ryves
Holt, formerly Chief Justice of the Supreme court of Delaware’ or as
it was then denominated, “The lower counties on Delaware.”
Shortly after this second marriage his father died, when this his
only child was scarcely four years of age.
It was the good fortune of our hero to be left under the care of
a stepmother, who had all the kind feelings of a natural parent.
The affection, which this excellent woman had borne towards the
father, was, on his death, transferred to the child.
She nurtured him from infancy to manhood, with a truly maternal
care and tenderness. At an
early age he was placed at school, and his proficiency in learning was
equal to her most anxious wishes. After
becoming well acquainted with the general branches of an English
education, he was transferred to a grammar school, at Lewis, in Sussex
country, conducted by the learned and pious Dr Matthew Wilson.
Under his direction he read the classics with much assiduity, and
became well acquainted with the Latin and Greek languages.
The writer of this memoir distinctly remembers also, that in the
geographical lessons he continually bore off the palm, and received,
beyond all others, repeated proofs of approbation from his preceptor.
At the age of eighteen, he left Lewes Academy, and entered on the
study of physic and surgery, under Dr Sykes, an eminent physician and
surgeon of Dover, in the county of Kent.
With him he diligently prosecuted his studies for four years,
after which he attended the usual course of medical lectures of the
University of Pennsylvania, and then returned to Dover to commence the
exercise of his profession.
He did not, however, continue long in the practice.
He found the field already engrossed by a number of able and
experienced gentlemen of the faculty, among whom was the late lamented
Dr Miller, of New York. Discouraged
by the scanty employment that is commonly the lot of the young
physician, and impatient of an inactive life, he determined to abandon
the profession for the present, and seek some more productive
occupation. This resolution
was a matter of much regret among the elder physicians.
They entertained a high opinion of his medical acquirements, and
considered him as promising to become a distinguished and skilful member
of their body. Governor
Clayton, (who was himself an eminent physician,) seeing that he was
fixed in his determination, conferred upon him the clerkship of the
Supreme Court of the State of Delaware, for the county of Kent.
In this office he continued for some time, but the sedentary
nature of its duties was uncongenial with his health and habits; he
longed to mingle in more active scenes, and possessed that ardent spirit
of enterprise that can never rest contented with the tranquil case of
common life. With a certain bravery of resolution, therefore, or rather a
noble unconcern, he turned his back upon the comforts and emoluments of
office; and resolved upon a measure, as indicative of the force of his
character, as it was decisive of his future fortunes.
This was to enter as midshipman into the service of his country,
in the year 1779, when menaced with a French war.
He was at this time almost twenty-nine years of age, highly
respected for the solidity of his understanding and his varied
acquirements; it may readily be imagined, therefore, how greatly his
friends were dissatisfied at seeing him in a manner taking a retrograde
step in life, entering upon that tedious probation which the naval
service peculiarly requires, and accepting a grade which is generally
allotted to boys and striplings. It
was in vain, however, to remonstrate against a resolution, which once
formed, never vibrated. Jones
had determined on embracing the profession; he had weighed the entire
peculiar inconveniences and sacrifices incident to his determination,
and had made up his mind to encounter and surmount them all.
His friends could only console themselves with the reflection,
that if courage, activity and hardihood could ensure naval success,
Jones was peculiarly fitted for the life he had adopted; and it is
probable they felt some degree of admiration for that decision of
character, which in the pursuit of what he conceived a laudable object,
could enable him to make such large sacrifices of personal pride and
convenience.
The first cruises, which he made in his new capacity, were under
the father of our infant navy, the late Commodore Barry, from whom he
derived great instruction in the theory and practice of his profession,
and experienced the utmost kindness and civility.
He was a midshipman onboard the frigate United States, when she
bore to France chief Justice Ellsworth and General Davie, as envoys
extraordinary to the French Republic.
He was next on board of the Ganges as midshipman, and during the
whole intervening period between his appointment and the war with
Tripoli; he was sedulously employed in obtaining that natural skill for
which he at present is celebrated.
On the breaking out of the war with Tripoli, he was stationed
onboard of the frigate Philadelphia, under the command of the gallant
Bainbridge. The disaster
which befell that ship and her crew before Tripoli, forms a solemn page
in our naval history; atoned for however by the brilliant achievements
to which it gave rise. Twenty
months of severe captivity among a barbarous people, and in a noxious
climate, neither broke the spirit nor impaired the constitution of our
hero. Blest by nature with
vigorous health and an invincible resolution, when relieved from bondage
by the bravery of his countrymen, he returned home full of life and
ardour. He was soon after
promoted to a lieutenancy. This
grade he had merited before his confinement in Tripoli, but older
warrant officers had stood in the way of his preferment.
He was now for some time employed on the Orleans station, where
he conducted himself with his usual judgement and propriety, and was a
favourite in the polite circles of the Orleans and Mississippi
territories. He was shortly
after appointed to the command of the brig Argus, stationed for the
protection of our commerce on the southern maritime frontier.
In this situation he acted with vigilance and fidelity, and
though there were at one time insidious suggestions to the contrary, it
has appeared that he conformed to his instructions, promoted the public
interest, and gave entire satisfaction to the government.
In 1811 Captain Jones was transferred by the Secretary of the
Navy to the command of the sloop of war the Wasp, mounting eighteen
twenty-four pound carronades, and was despatched, in the spring of 1812,
with communications from our government to its functionaries at the
courts of St. Cloud and St. James.
Before he returned from this voyage, war had been declared by the
United States against Great Britain.
Captain Jones refitted his ship with all possible despatch, and
repaired to sea on a cruise, in which he met with no other luck than the
capture of an inconsiderable prize.
He sailed from the port of Philadelphia on the 13th of
October 1812, with a gallant set of officers, and a high spirited and
confident crew. On the 18th
of the same month the Wasp encountered a heavy gale, during which she
lost her jibbons and two valuable seamen.
On the following night, being a bright moonlight, a seaman on the
look out discovered five strange sail, steering eastward.
The Wasp hauled to the windward and closely watched the movements
of these vessels until daylight next morning, being the 18th,
when it was found that they were six large merchant vessels under convoy
of a sloop of war. The
former were well-manned two of them mounting sixteen guns each.
Notwithstanding the apparent disparity of force, Captain Jones
determined to hazard an attack; and as the weather was boisterous, and
the swell of the sea unusually high, he ordered down topgallant yards,
closely reefed the topsails, and prepared for action.
The convoy sailed ahead and lay to five or six miles distant,
while the sloop of war with Spanish colours flying, remained under easy
sail the Wasp coming down to windward on her larboard side, within
pistol shot displaying the American ensign and pendant.
Upon the enemy’s is hailed; he hauled down the Spanish flag,
hoisted the British ensign, and opened a broadside of cannon and
musketry. The fire was
promptly returned by the Wasp, the vessels gradually neared each other
and each maintained the combat with great animation the English vessel
firing with most rapidity, but as the result proved, with no great
precision. In a few minutes
after the commencement of the action, the maintop mast of the Wasp was
shot away, and falling on the topsail, across the larboard fore the
foretop-sail braces, caused the head yards to be unmanageable during the
continuance of the action. In
two or three minutes more the gaft and mizzen topgallant sail were shot
away. Each vessel continued in the position in which the action
commenced, and maintained a close and spirited fire. Captain Jones directed his officers not to fire except when
the vessel rolled downwards, so that the shot was either poured on the
enemy’s deck, or below it, while the English fired as soon as they had
loaded, without regard to the position of their vessel, and thus their
balls were either thrown away or passed through the rigging.
The Wasp now passed ahead of the enemy, raked her, and resumed
her original position. It
was now obvious that the Wasp had greatly the advantage in the combat,
and Captain Jones thought the contest might be specially directed by
boarding, but hesitated because the roughness of the sea might endanger
the safety of both vessels if brought in contact.
As, however, the braces and rigging of the Wasp was so injured by
the shot of the enemy that he was fearful his masts being unsupported,
would go by the board, and that the enemy might escape.
He therefore, determined at all hazards to board and thus decides
the contest. With this
determination he wore ship, run athwart the enemy’s bow, so that the
jib came in-between the main and mizzen rigging of the Wasp.
The enemy being in a position so invite for a raking broadside
that one was promptly ordered. So closely in contact were the contending vessels that while
loading, the rammers of the Wasp struck against the sides of the
opposing vessel, so that two of the guns of the former entered through
the bow of ports of the latter and swept the whole length of the deck.
At this juncture a sprightly and gallant seamen, named Jack Lang,
who had once been impressed on board a British man of war, jumped on a
gun with his cutlass, and was about to leap onboard the enemy, when
captain Jones ordered him back, wishing to give a closing broadside
before boarding. His
impetuosity, however, could not be restrained, and observing the ardour
of the crew generally, Lieutenant Biddle and Booth gallantly led them
on, but to their great surprise when they reached the enemy’s deck not
a single uninjured individual was found on deck except the seaman at the
wheel, and three officers. The
deck was covered with the dying and dead, and was slippery with blood.
When Lieutenant Biddle reached the quarterdeck, the commander and
two other officers, threw down their swords, and made an inclination of
their bodies, thus affording evidence that they had surrendered.
During the early part of the action the ensign of the enemy had
been shot down, upon which a British seamen carried it aloft again and
nailed it to the mast. In
this state it continued floating, they not being able to lower it until
one of the United States officers ascended the rigging and tore it from
its attachments. In
forty-three minutes from the commencement of the action, full possession
was taken of the enemy, which proved to be his Brittanic Majesty’s
sloop of war Frolic, commanded by Captain Whynyates.
On examining the birth deck, it was found crowded with the dead
and wounded, there being but an inconsiderable proportion of the crew of
the Frolic, which had escaped, unhurt.
Soon after Lieutenant Biddle took possession of the enemy, her
masts fell by the board, so that she lay a complete wreck.
The contest being now terminated, Captain Jones ordered Dr New,
the assistant surgeon of the Wasp, to visit the wounded enemy, and to
carry with him every thing onboard, which could in any manner contribute
to their comfort.
The force of the Frolic consisted of sixteen thirty-two pound
carronades, four twelve pounders on the main deck, and two twelve pound
carronades. She was,
therefore superior to the Wasp, by four twelve pounders.
The officers of the Frolic stated that the number of men on the
ship’s books was one hundred and ten; but, as boats were seen plying
between the Frolic and some of the convoy, in the morning, before the
action, it was believed that she received many volunteers in addition to
her regular crew. This
belief was strengthened by the circumstance, that one of the vessels in
the convoy, came alongside the Wasp next morning after her capture, and
asked assistance to reef his sails, as he had but two men and a boy
onboard. It was intimated
that he had thus diminished his crew by allowing volunteers to go
onboard the Frolic.
The officers, seamen, marines, and boys on board the Wasp, from
the best information one hundred and thirty-five; which, from the best
information which could be obtained, was less in number than that of the
enemy. Both vessels,
however, had more men than was essential to their efficiency; and the
officers of the Frolic candidly acknowledged, that they had more men
than they knew what to do with. It
appeared, therefore, that while there was an equality of strength in the
crews, there was an inequality in the number of guns and weight of
metal-the Frolic having four twelve pounders more than the Wasp.
The exact number of killed and wounded onboard the Frolic could
not be ascertained with any degree of precision; but from the admissions
of the British officers, it was supposed that the number killed was
about thirty, including two officers; and of those wounded, between
forty and fifty. The
Captain and every other officer onboard were more or less severely
wounded. The Wasp sustained
a loss of only five men killed, and five wounded.
A busy
scene now ensued, in disposing of the dead, taking care of the wounded,
and repairing the damages, which the Wasp sustained during the conflict.
Lieutenant Biddle, with a portion of the officers and crew of the
Wasp were similarly engaged onboard the Frolic.
While engaged in erecting jury masts on board the letter vessel,
a suspicious sail was seen to windward, upon which Captain Jones
directed Lieutenant Biddle to shape her course for Charleston, or any
other southern port of the united, while the Wasp would continue her
cruise.
The strange sail coming down rapidly, both vessels prepared for
action, but soon discovered, to the mortification of the victors of this
well fought action, that the new enemy was a seventy-four, which proved
to be the Poictiers, commanded by Commodore Beresford.
Firing a shot over the Frolic, passed her, and soon overhauled
the Wasp, which on her crippled state, was unable to escape. Both vessels were thus captured, and carried into Bermuda.
Captain Jones and his officers were placed on parole of honour at
St. George’s Bermuda, and were treated there with great courtesy,
particularly by the officers of the ninety-eighth and one hundred and
second regiments of British infantry.
Dinners, balls and other acts of civility were tendered with a
cordiality of manner, which made our officers almost forget their
misfortunes.
After remaining in St. George’s a few weeks a cartel was
prepared which conveyed the officers and crew of the Wasp to New York.
On the return of Captain Jones to the United States, he was
everywhere received with demonstrations of the highest respect and
admiration for the skill and gallantry, which he displayed in his combat
with the enemy. In his
journey to Washington, whither the President of the Unites States
ordered him, he received brilliant entertainments in the cities through
which he passed.
The legislature of Delaware-his native state-gave to him a vote
of thanks, and an elegant piece of plate, with appropriate engravings. On motion of James A. Bayard, of Delaware, the Congress of
the United States appropriated twenty-five thousand dollars, as
compensation to Captain Jones, his officers and crew, for the loss they
sustained by the recapture of the frolic.
They also voted a gold medal to Captain Jones, and a silver medal
to each of his commissioned officers.
The plate accompanying this memoir is a fac simile, ruled from
the medal.
As a farther evidence of the confidence of government, Captain
Jones was ordered to take command of the frigate Macedonian, a vessel
recently captured from the British by the gallant Decatur.
She was rapidly fitted out under his direction in the harbour of
New York, and was destined to be one of Decatur’s squadron, and which
was about to sail on another cruise.
In May 1811, the squadron attempted to put to see, but in sailing
up Long Island Sound, encountered a large British squadron, which
obliged the united States vessels to retreat into the harbour of New
London. In this situation the enemy continued an uninterrupted
blockade during the war. Finding
it impossible to avoid the vigilance of Sir Thomas Hardy, who commanded
the blockading squadron, the government ordered Captain Jones to proceed
with his officers and crew to Sackett’s harbour, and report to
Commodore Chauncey, as commander of the frigate Mohawk, destined to
cruise as one of the squadron on lake Ontario.
The United States squadron maintained an ascendancy, and
continued to cruise until October, when the British squadron under the
command of sir James Yeo, left Kingston harbour with a greatly superior
force, which obliged the united States squadron to return to Sackett’s
harbour. It seemed, indeed
that the contest now depended on the exertions of the ship carpenters.
Two line of battle ships were placed on the stocks, and were
advancing rapidly to completion, when in February 1815, the news of
peace arrived, with orders to suspend further operations on these
vessels.
A few weeks after peace was announced, Captain Jones with his
officers and crew was ordered to repair forthwith to the seaboard, and
again to take command of the frigate Macedonian, which was directed to
form part of the squadron destined to cruise against the Algerian men of
war, then depredating on our commerce in the Mediterranean.
So soon as the Algerian Regency was informed that war existed
between the United States, and Great Britain, the Dey sent out his
cruisers to capture all American merchant vessels.
To punish these faithless freebooters, and to redress the wrongs
of our merchants, a squadron consisting of nine or ten vessels was
fitted out and placed under the command of Commodore Decatur.
This armament sailed from New York in May 1815, and when off
Cadiz, was informed that the Algerian force was cruising along the
southern coast of Spain.
Two days after reaching the Mediterranean the United States
squadron fell in with and captured the Algerian frigate Messuado
mounting forty-six guns, and the next day captured a large brig of war
both of which were carried into the port of Carthagena, in Spain.
The Aemrican squadron then proceeded to the bay of Algiers, the
sudden and unexpected appearance of which excited no slight degree of
surprise and alarm in the Regency.
When the Dey learned that his admiral had been killed, and his
two principal vessels of war had captured, his alarm became greatly
augmented. With mingled
feelings of trepidation and rage, he sent for the British consul, and
reproached him with practising a deception on him.
“You told me,” he remarked, “that in a few months after the
declaration of war, the British fleets would sweep from the ocean, every
vessel belonging to the United States. Now, peace is restored and so far from your declaration
proving true, here is a large squadron, augmented in size by three
vessels captured from your own boasting nation.”
The captured vessels to which the Dey alluded, consisted of the
frigates Guerriere, Macedonian, and brig of war Epervier, which then
actually formed a part of Decatur’s squadron.
Under these feelings the Dey reluctantly yielded to every demand
which was made n him; which was to restore the value of the property
belonging to American merchants which he had seized, to release all
prisoners which he had captured, to relinquish forever all claims on the
annual tribute which he had hitherto received.
After having thus successfully determined the war with Algiers,
and formed an advantageous treaty, the squadron proceeded to the other
Barbarry capitals, and there adjusted some minor difficulties, which,
however, were of some importance to American merchants.
After touching at several of the islands in the Mediterranean, at
Naples and at Malaga, in Spain, the squadron reached Gibraltar towards
the last of October. After
remaining at this port a few days, and exchanging civilities with the
military authorities of the station, the squadron returned to the United
States, early in December.
From this period to the present, no event of stirring importance
has distinguished the career of Commodore Jones.
He has been, however almost constantly employed in various
responsible positions, thus evincing the perfect confidence which is
government placed in his talents and discretion.
In 1821 he took command of a squadron, in which he continued for
three years, for the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean. On his return he was offered a seat in the Board of Navy
Commissioners, but finding his bureau duties rather irksome to him, he
accepted, in the year 1826, the command of a squadron destined for the
protection of the American commerce in the Pacific ocean, which also
continued for as period of three years.
On his return from the Pacific Ocean, he was ordered to the
command of the Baltimore station, where he continued with the exception
of a short interval, until transferred to his present position as port
captain of the harbour of New York.
Either on shore or afloat, his commands were distinguished as
well for efficiency, as for the harmony, which always prevailed among
his officer. His calm
dignity, high sense of justice and gentlemanlike bearing, inspired
universal respect.
Cheerful and fond of social life, he took great pleasure in
having his officer’s around him, yet none of them ever felt disposed
to take a liberty with him. Commodore
Jones has had always a repugnance to writing, yet there are but few
gentlemen in any walk in life, more intimately acquainted with general
literature. Choice in his
language-a vigorous and original thinker, his conversation is always
instructive and interesting. |
|
James
Lawrence
Death, which is so often removed from the scenes of
their glory the young and heroic, has never triumphed over a victim more
beloved and lamented by the nation he served than the subject of this
memoir. His career was
marked by a series of brilliant actions which had attracted the highest
confidence and hope in his compatriots, and his untimely loss was
mourned as a national calamity.
Captain James Lawrence was born on the 1st of October
1781, at Burlington, in New Jersey, and was the youngest son of john
Lawrence, counsellor at law of that place.
Soon after his birth he had the misfortune to lose his mother,
and the care of his early years devolved on his two sisters, who seem to
have cultivated the moral qualities of his heart with singular success.
At the age of twelve, he evinced a strong partiality for the sea;
but his father disapproving of that plan of life, and wishing him to
pursue the profession of law, young Lawrence acquiesced, and passed with
reputation through the grammer school at Burlington, when finding that
the pecuniary situation of his father would not furnish him with means
of completing his education at any college or university, he commenced
the study of law with his brother, the late john Lawrence at Woodbury.
He was now only thirteen years of age, a period of life when the
grave pursuits of jurisprudence can scarcely be presumed to have many
attractions for a young and ardent fancy, already inflamed with the love
of wandering. He continued,
however, a reluctant student for about two years, when the death of his
father leaving him more at liberty to pursue his favourite inclination,
he prevailed on his brother to place him under the care of Mr Griscomb,
at Burlington, for the purpose of studying navigation.
He here remained for three months, at the expiration of which
time, on application to the Navy Department, he received a warrant as
midshipman, on the 4th of September 1798.
His first voyage was in the ship Ganges, Captain Tingey, ona
cruise to the West Indies. He
afterwards sailed in different vessels for upwards of two years, and was
then made an acting lieutenant on board the frigate Adams, captain
Robinson, where he continued till the reduction of the navy; in
consequence of which his appointment was not confirmed, and he remained
in the rank of midshipman.
On the commencement of the war with Tripoli, in 1801, he was
promoted to a lieutenancy, and sailed to the Mediterranean as first
lieutenant of the schooner enterprise in 1803.
While in this situation, he bore a conspicuous part in an
adventure of singular boldness, the destruction of the frigate
Philadelphia. As we have
referred to this affair (in which he was Decatur’s second in command,)
in the Life of Commodore Preble, and shall give a particular account of
it, with an engraving, in the Life of Commodore Decatur, we pass it over
here, remarking only that when Decatur was promoted for his conduct on
this occasion, Lawrence and the officers and crew were voted two months
extra pay, which he declined receiving.
During the same year, when Commodore Preble bombarded the town of
Tripoli, the Enterprise, with the other ships of the squadron, were
employed to cover the boats during the attack.
On this occasion, Lieutenant Lawrence had the temporary command
of the Enterprise, and performed his service in so gallant and seaman
like a manner, as to receive the thanks of Commodore Preble.
From the enterprise, he was transferred to the frigate John
Adams, as first Lieutenant; and after remaining in the Mediterranean
about three years, he returned with Commodore Preble to the United
States.
Soon after, he was again sent to the Mediterranean as commander
of gunboat No. 6. These
vessels were originally destined to serve merely along the American
coast, and however qualified for harbour or river defence, were deemed
exceedingly insecure in crossing the Atlantic.
Being very small, with a disproportionably large gun, and
necessarily laden very deeply, they laboured under every disadvantage in
encountering heavy gales. So decided were the opinions of the naval officers against
them, that no one would, perhaps have been willing to risk his life in
them on such a voyage, for any motive of private advantage, or from any
consideration, except the performance of his duty.
“Lawrence has told me,” writes one of his brother officers,
“that when he went on board the gunboat, he had not the faintest idea
that he would ever arrive out to the Mediterranean in her, or indeed
arrive any where else. He
has also told me, that on the coast of Europe he met an English frigate,
the captain of which would not at first believe that he had crossed the
Atlantic in such a vessel.” He
did not, however, go with less alacrity, and he unexpectedly arrived
safely in the Mediterranean, where he remained about sixteen months.
On his return from the Mediterranean, after the peace with
Tripoli, he was appointed first lieutenant of the frigate Constitution,
and afterwards commanded the schooner Vixen, the sloop of war Wasp, the
brig Argus, and the ship Hornet, with the rank of master and commander,
and was twice sent to Europe with despatches to our ministers.
In the year 1808, he married a daughter of Mr Montaudevert, a
respectable merchant of New York.
The declaration of war against Great Britain, in June 1812, gave
a new impulse, or rather a new existence to the navy.
Lawrence was at that time in New york, in command of the Hornet,
and in a few days, sailed with a squadron, consisting of the united
States, Congress and Argus, under the command of Commodore Rogers, in
the President. Their object
was to intercept the Jamaica fleet.
After being detained for a day by the pursuit of the British
frigate Belvidere, which ended in the escape of the latter, owing to her
having the advantage of the wind, the squadron followed the fleet with
the utmost alacrity, as well as the imperfect information of the vessels
they met would permit, till the 13th of July when they
reached within eighteen or twenty hours sail of the English channel.
Disappointed in this chase, they ran now down near the Azores,
thence back by the banks of Newfoundland to Boston, where they arrived
on the 31st of August. Although
this cruise was marked by no bold or prominent success, and although the
squadron made only seven captures and a single recapture, yet the
failure is attributable to fortune only.
At a moment when the British navy, with its boasted ubiquity
covered the ocean, this little band of adventurers sought their enemies
in every quarter, dared them on their own coast, and after carrying
alarm through the mercantile classes of England, returned unmolested and
not victorious, only because the single enemy they encountered sought
safety in flight.
The day before the squadron entered Boston, Captain Hull arrived
after the capture of the Guerriere, and soon afterwards, the Government,
yielding too far to the universal and natural enthusiasm excited by this
gallant action, promoted Lieutenant Morris, the first officer of the
Constitution, to the rank of captain.
As this appointment, however, advanced him two grades at once,
contrary to the ordinary rules of promotion, and thus placed him above
all the masters and commanders in the navy, it occasioned much
dissatisfaction among them. Captain
Lawrence felt himself peculiarly injured by it; inasmuch as he found
himself thus suddenly outranked by one so much his junior.
He therefore addressed a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, in
which, after rendering the most ample justice to the merits of
Lieutenant Morris, he remonstrated in mild and firm, but respectful
language, against so unprecedented a promotion, by which he would be
forced to leave the navy. In
reply to this fair manly letter, he received from the Secretary of the
Navy, a short and contemptuous answer, merely acknowledging the receipt
of his letter, with intimation that if he chose to leave the service
without a cause, there would still remain heroes and patriots to support
the honour of the flag. This
sarcastic note Lawrence received as he was on the point of sailing from
Boston. To have left the
service instantly would have been the natural impulse of his wounded
feelings, but at such a moment, with a fine ship and a gallant crew,
with sails unbent to meet the enemy, he could not part with the high
hopes of acquiring reputation. He
therefore, repressed his indignation, and in reply to the Secretary
after stating his surprise and regret, that anything which he had
written should have been deemed indecorous, he apprised him that he had
prepared a memorial on the subject to the Senate of the United States,
and should be governed by their decision.
This example may be serviceable to many officers, who in a moment
of disappointment, at improper or unkind treatment, are tempted to
resign. It is better like
Lawrence to stifle, for a time, the natural but hastily resentment of
wounded pride, till an opportunity offers of proving-not by our
complaints, but our actions-that we have been unjustly neglected.
Lawrence sailed under the galling impression of having been
keenly wounded by the Secretary of the Navy, and seeing a junior placed
over him. On his return, he
found that secretary no longer in office, and himself promoted, in
consequence of his application to the Senate, to the rank of captain, so
as to outrank the officer whose well deserved, though irregular
appointment had given him so much uneasiness.
He now sailed from Boston in the Hornet, in company with
Commodore Bainbridge, of the frigate Constitution, on a cruise to the
East Indies; but in running down the coast of the Brazils, in the month
of December, they found the Bonne Citoyenne, a British ship of war,
loaded with specie, lying in the port of St. Salvador.
The Bonne Citoyenne, was a larger vessel, and had a greater force
both in guns and men than the Hornet; but so eager was Lawrence to
engage her, that he sent through the American consul at St. Salvador, a
challenge to her commander, Captain Greene.
“I request you to state to him,” said he, “that I will meet
him whenever he may be pleased to come out, and pledge my honour, that
neither the Constitution, nor any other American vessel shall
interfere.” Commodore
Bainbridge, at the same time, declared, “if Captain Greene wished to
try equal force, I pledge my honour to give him an opportunity by being
out of the way or not interfering.”
Whatever might have been the motive of Captain Greene, he
adroitly evaded this offer by answering, that “although nothing would
give him more satisfaction than to meet Captain Lawrence under different
circumstances, and although he was convinced that the result of such an
encounter could not remain long undecided in his own favour, yet he was
equally convinced that Commodore Bainbridge knew too well the paramount
duty he owed to his country, to remain an inactive spectator, while a
ship of his own squadron fell into the hands of the enemy, and that he
could not expose the Bonne Citoyenne to a risk of manifestly
disadvantageous.” To give
Captain Greene perfect security against his interference, Commodore
Bainbridge left St. Salvador for four days, during which Captain Greene
might perceive that the Constitution was not within forty miles
distance, and Captain Lawrence lay before the port in defiance.
Still the Bonne Citoyenne did not move from her anchorage.
Commodore Bainbridge then went into St. Salvador, and remained
three days, supposing that the English officer would apply to the
governor, as he might have done, and detain the Constitution for
twenty-four hours, and thus ensure a fair engagement with Captain
Lawrence; but he continued inflexible.
Despairing at last of tempting him out, Commodore Bainbridge
sailed from St. Salvador, and Captain Lawrence remained blockading the
Bonne Citoyenne, and an armed schooner of twelve guns, till the 24th
of January 1813, when the arrival of the Montague, a seventy-four gun
ship, which had sailed from Rio Janeiro for the express purpose of
relieving the blockaded ships, compelled him to retreat.
The whole conduct of Captain Lawrence on this occasion reflects
as much honour on the American arms as the most brilliant victory could
have done. The propriety of
private challenges, during war, may, generally speaking be questionable.
They may convert national into personal quarrels, and blood may
be sometimes uselessly sacrificed to fastidious or frivolous points of
honour. But in no case
could they have ever been more completely justified than in the present.
At the commencement of the war, so totally unequal was the
contest-so overwhelming the force of the enemy that our navy could hope
to gain nothing but glory in the struggle.
It became, therefore a point of honour among our officers-the
point on which the whole controversy rested, to prove that although they
might be crushed, they would at least fall with honour; that to build a
numerous fleet was the work of government; but to make a gallant and
disciplined ship, depended on the officers; and that although the
American ships should be overpowered by numbers, they were superior to
any single adversary of equal strength.
And what could more decisively and gloriously establish this
superior you than the conduct of Captain Lawrence?
In a single American sloop of war he blockades for nearly a
month, with every token of defiance, two British ships, one of them his
superior in force, till a seventy-four is sent for to raise the
blockade, and what rendered it peculiarly mortifying to the English, all
this was done before the eyes of the astonished Portuguese, who had till
now been taught by their haughty friends, that no equal vessel had ever
pursued an English flag.
From St. Salvador Captain Lawrence now shaped his course towards
Pernambuco. On the 10th
of February, he captured the English brig resolution, of ten guns, laden
with provisions and about twenty-five thousand dollars in sopecie, but
as she was a dull sailor, and he could not spare hands to man her, he
took out the money and the crew, and burnt her.
He then ran down the coast for Maranham, and after cruising near
that place and Surinam, till the 23rd of February, he stood
doe Demarara. On the next
morning, he discovered a brig to leeward, and chased her so near the
shore that he was obliged to haul off for want of a pilot.
During the chase, however, he had discovered a vessel at anchor
outside of the bar of Demarara river, with English colours flying, and
now began beating round the Corobano bank to get at her; when between
three and four o’clock in the afternoon, another sail was seen on his
weather quarter, edging down for him.
As she approached, she hoisted English colours, and proved to be
the British brig Peacock, Captain Peake.
The Hornet was immediately cleared for action, and kept close to
the wind, in order to get the weather gauge of the approaching vessel.
At ten minutes past five, finding that he could weather the
enemy, Captain Lawrence hoisted American colours, tacked and in about a
quarter of an hour, passed the British ship within half pistol shot, and
exchanged broadsides. The
enemy was now in the act of wearing, when Captain Lawrence bore up,
received his starboard broadside, and ran him close onboard on the
starboard quarter; from which position he kept up so close and bloody a
fire, that in less than fifteen minutes from the commencement of the
action, the British struck their colours, and hoisted a signal of
distress. Lieutenant
Shubrick instantly went onboard, and found that she was cut to pieces,
her captain killed, many of the crew killed and wounded, her mainmast
gone by the board, six feet water in the hold and sinking very fast.
The two ships were immediately brought to anchor, and the
Hornet’s boats despatched to bring off the wounded; but, although her
guns were thrown overboard, the shot holes which could be got at
plugged, and every exertion made by pumping and bailing to keep her
afloat, so completely had she been shattered that she sunk before the
prisoners could be removed, carrying down thirteen of her crew, as well
as three men belonging to the Hornet.
Lieutenant Connor and the other offices and men employed in
removing the prisoners, narrowly escaped by jumping into a boat, as the
Peacock went down; and four seamen of the hornet ran up into the foretop
at the same time, and were taken off by the boats.
The Peacock
was deemed one of the finest ships of her class in the British navy.
In size she was about equal to the Hornet; but, in guns and men,
the hornet was somewhat, though very little, her superior; and by no
means so much so, as to give her any decided advantage.
The loss onboard the Peacock could not be precisely ascertained.
Captain Peake was twice wounded, the second time mortally.
Four men were found dead onboard.
The master and thirty-two others were wounded, three of whom
afterwards died. The Hornet had only one man killed, and two slightly wounded.
Her rigging and sails were much cut, but her hull received very
little injury. During the engagement, the vessel which the hornet had been
endeavouring to reach before the Peacock bore down, lay at anchor within
sixth miles, and as she was a brig-the Espiegle-carrying fifteen
thirty-two pound carronades and two long nines, it was supposed that she
would attack the Hornet, after the latter had been disabled by the
combat. The Hornet was
immediately prepared to receive her, and by nine o’clock at night, her
boats were stowed, a new set of sails bent, and every thing ready for
action. She, however,
declined coming out. The
next morning, Captain Lawrence found that he had two hundred and seventy
souls on board the Hornet, and as, his crew had for some time been on
short allowance, resolved to steer for the United States.
The officers of the Peacock received from those of the Hornet the
most humane and honourable treatment; so penetrated with gratitude were
they for the kindness which they had experienced, that they could not
restrain the expression of their feelings till they reached England,
but, on their arrival in the United States published a letter of thanks
to Captain Lawrence and his officers, in which they declared that such
was the liberality displayed to them, that “they ceased to consider
themselves prisoners.” Nor
was the rough generosity of the Hornet’s crew less honourable. As the sailors of the Peacock had lost everything except what
they had on their backs, when she went down, the crew of the Hornet
united to relieve them; and made every English sailor a present of two
shirts and a blue jacket and pair of trousers; a true hearted
liberality, which raises them in our estimation higher than even their
victory.
Captain Lawrence returned to New York in safety, and besides the
applause, which his country lavished upon him for his good conduct, had
the satisfaction of learning, as we have already observed, that he had
been promoted during his absence, and his rank settled to his perfect
satisfaction. Soon after
his return he was ordered to the command of the frigate Constitution,
with the temporary superintendence of the navy yard at New York.
But the next day, to his great regret, he received instructions
to repair to Boston, and taken command of the Chesapeake frigate, then
nearly ready for sea. This
appointment was peculiarly unpleasant, because the Chesapeake was not
only considered as one of the very worst ships in the navy, but also in
consequence of her disgrace in the rencontre with the Leopard, laboured
under that dispiriting stigma among sailors, of being an “unlucky
ship.” These
circumstances, combined with the state of his family, made Captain
Lawrence unwilling to go to sea immediately, and he, therefore,
requested to retain situation in the hornet.
Disappointed in this wish, hr then took command of the Chesapeake
at Boston, where he had been but a short time, when the British frigate
Shannon, Captain Broke appeared before the harbour, for the avowed
purpose of seeking a combat with the Chesapeake.
Stung with the repeated disasters of the British frigates, this
officer resolved to make an effort to retrieve them; and, when he deemed
his ship perfectly prepared for that purpose, sent a formal challenge to
Captain Lawrence.
“As the Chesapeake”-his letter began-“appears now ready for
sea, I request you will do me the favour to meet the Shannon with her
ship to ship, to try the fortune of our respective flags.
To an officer on your character, it requires some apology for
proceeding to further particulars.
Be assured, sir, that it is not from any doubt I entertain of
your wishing to close with my proposal, but merely to provide an answer
to any objection that might be made-and very reasonably-upon the chance
of our receiving unfair support.”
After observing that Commodore Rodgers had not accepted several
verbal challenges which he had given Broke then proceeds to state very
minutely the force of the Shannon, and offers to send all British ships
out of reach, so that they might have a fair combat, at any place within
a certain range along the coast of New England, which he specified; if
more agreeable, he offers to sail together, and to warn the Chesapeake,
by means of private signals of the approach of British ships of war,
till they reach solitary spot-or to sail with a flag of truce to any
place out of the reach of British aid, so that the flag should be hauled
down when it was deemed fair to begin hostilities.
“I entreat you sir,” he concludes, “not to imagine that I
am urged by mere personal vanity to the wish of meeting the Chesapeake,
or that I depend only upon your personal ambition for your acceding to
this invitation. We have
both nobler motives. You
will feel it as a compliment, if I say that the results of our meeting
may be the most grateful service I can render to my country; and I doubt
not that you, equally confident of success, will feel convinced that it
is only by repeated triumphs in even combats, that your little navy can
now hope to console your country for the loss of that trade it can no
longer protect.”
The style of this letter, with the exception of the puerile
bravado about commodore Rodgers, is frank and manly; and if the force of
the Shannon were correctly stated, would be such a challenge as might
well be sent from a brave seaman to a gallant adversary.
We, however are but two well satisfied that Captain Broke
studiously underrated the number of his guns and crew; or that after his
challenge, he must have received additions to both.
That the Shannon had more guns than the number stated by her
commander, we learn from the testimony of the surviving officers off the
Chesapeake; who also assert, that she had three hundred and seventy-six
men; that she had an officer and sixteen men from the Belle Poule; and
that the hats of some of her seamen were marked “Tenedos.”
Such as it was, however, this letter most unfortunately, never
reached Captain Lawrence. If
he had received it-if he had been thus warned to prepare his ship-if he
had had an opportunity of selecting his officers, and disciplining his
crew-if, in short, he had been able to place the Chesapeake on anything
like equal terms with the Shannon, the combat might have been more
bloody there might have been such an engagement as has not yet been seen
between single ships on the ocean; though we cannot suffer ourselves to
doubt the result of it. But
he knew nothing of this challenge-he saw only Shannon riding before him
in defiance; he remembered the spirit with which he himself had overawed
a superior, and he could not brook for a moment, that an enemy, which
seemed to be his equal, should insult his flag.
Although, therefore the Chesapeake was comparatively an inferior
ship-although his first lieutenant was sick on shore-although three of
his lieutenants had recently left her; and, of the four who remained,
two were only midshipmen, acting as lieutenants-although part of his
crew were new ands, and all of them had lost some of their discipline by
staying in port-yet, as he would have gone to sea in that situation had
no enemy appeared, he felt himself bound not to delay sailing on that
account, and throwing himself, therefore on his courage and his fortune,
he determined at once to attack the enemy. It was on the morning of the 1st of June 1813,
that the Chesapeake sailed out of the harbour of Boston, to meet the
Shannon. As soon as she got
under weigh, Captain Lawrence called the crew together, and, having
hoisted the white flag, with the motto of “free trade and sailors
rights,” made a short address. His
speech, however, was received with no enthusiasm-on the contrary, signs
of dissatisfaction were evident; particularly from a boatswain’s mate,
a Portuguese, who seemed to be at the head of the malcontents; and
complaints were muttered, that they had not yet received their prize
money. Such expressions, at
the eve of an action, were but ill bodings of the result of it; but
Captain Lawrence, ignorant as he was of the character of his sailors,
and unwilling at such a moment to damp their spirits by harshness,
preserved his accustomed calmness, and half prize checks, at once given
by the purser to those who had not received them.
While this scene was passing, the Shannon observing the
Chesapeake coming out, bore away. The
Chesapeake followed her till four o’clock, in the afternoon, when she
hauled up and fired a gun, on which the Shannon hove to.
They manoeuvred for some time, till at about a quarter before
six, they appreciated within pistol shot, and exchanged broadsides.
These broadsides were both bloody; but the fire of the Shannon
was most fortunate in the destruction of officers.
The fourth lieutenant, Mr Ballard, was mortally wounded-the
sailing master was killed, and Captain Lawrence received a musket ball
in his leg, which caused great pain, and profuse bleeding, but he leaned
on the companions way, and continued to order and to animate his crew.
A second and a third broadside was exchanged, with evident
advantage on the part of the Chesapeake; but, unfortunately, among those
now wounded onboard of her, was the first lieutenant, Mr Ludlow, who was
carried below-three men were successively shot from the helm, in about
twelve minutes from the commencement of the action; and, as the hands
were shifting, a shot disabled her foresail, so that she would no longer
answer her helm, and her anchor caught in one of the after ports of the
Shannon, which enabled the latter to rake her upper deck.
As soon as Lawrence perceived that she was falling to leeward,
and that by the Shannon’s filling she would fall onboard, he called
gis boarders, and was giving orders about the foresail, when he received
a musket ball in his body. The
bugle man who should have called the boarders, did not do his duty; and,
at this moment, Commodore Broke, whose ship had suffered so much that he
was preparing to repel boarding; perceiving, from this accident, how the
deck of the Chesapeake was swept, jumped onboard with about twenty men.
They would have been instantly repelled; but the captain, the
first lieutenant, the sailing master, the boatswain, lieutenant of
marines, the only acting lieutenant on the spar deck, were killed or
disabled. At the call of
the boarders, Lieutenant Cox ran on deck, but just in time to receive
his falling commander, and bear him below.
Lieutenant Budd-the second lieutenant-led up the boarders, but
only fifteen or twenty would follow him, and with these defended the
ship till he was wounded and disabled.
Lieutenant Ludlow, wounded as he was, hurried upon deck, where he
soon received a mortal cut from a sabre.
The marines who were engaged fought with desperate courage; but
they were few in numbers; too many of them having followed the
Portuguese boatswain’s mate, who exclaimed, it is said as he skulked
below, “so much for not paying men their prize money.”
Meanwhile the Shannon threw onboard sixty additional men, who
soon succeeded in overpowering the seamen of the Chesapeake, who had now
no officers to lead or rally them, and took possession of the ship;
which was not, however, surrendered by any signal of submission; but,
became the enemy’s, only because they were able to overwhelm all who
were in a condition to resist.
As Captain Lawrence was carried below, he perceived the
melancholy condition of the Chesapeake, but cried out, “Don’t
surrender the ship.” He
was taken down in the wardroom, and as he lay in excruciating pain,
perceiving that the noise above had ceased, he ordered the surgeon to go
on deck and tell the officers to fight on to the last, and never strike
the colours. “They shall
wave,” said he, “while I live.” But it was too late to resist or to struggle longer; the
enemy had already possession of the ship.
As captain Lawrence’s wounds would not allow of his removal, he
continued in the wardroom, surrounded by his wounded officers, and after
lingering in great pain for four days, during which his sufferings were
too acute to permit him to speak, or perhaps to think of the sad events
he had just witnessed, or do more than sak for what his situation
required, he died on the 5th of June.
His body was wrapped in the colours of the Chesapeake, and laid
on the quarterdeck, until they arrived at Halifax, where he was buried
with the highest military and naval honours; the British officers
forgetting, for a moment, in their admiration of his character, that he
had been but lately their enemy. The oldest captains in the navy then at Halifax supported his
pall, and no demonstration of respectful attention was omitted to honour
the remains of a brave, but unfortunate stranger.
Thus prematurely perished, at the age of thirty-two, this gallant
and generous seamen. Lost
as he was, in the full vigour of his powers, and with the imperfect
measure of his fame, our hopes are forbidden to dwell on the fond
anticipation of what he might have been, and we are left to rest with a
melancholy pleasure on the qualities, which his short life had already
developed. Lawrence seems
to have combined all the distinguished and endearing qualities; the
openness of heart, the manliness of pride, the benevolence of feeling,
the chivalrous courage, which our imagination ascribes to the perfection
of the naval character. He
was devoted to his profession, and to the service.
During nearly sixteen years, which he spent in the navy, he never
had a furlough, except one for about six weeks.
The perfect order of his ship bore testimony to his merits as a
disciplinarian, while the zealous attachment of his crew, proved that
his discipline had not been earned by harshness or severity.
His courage was of a daring and desperate cast, but it was still
regulated by a calm sobriety of judgement.
Indeed, the characteristic quality of Lawrence-that which most
distinguished him as an officer, was coolness and perfect
self-possession in the midst of danger.
Of his kindness, of the warmth and generosity of his heart, which
rendered him, emphatically, a favourite of the navy, his brother
officers are all willing witnesses.
These remembrances are, however, more cherished, where they are
now most consolatory-in the bosom of his family; of the two widowed
sisters, whose cares, during his infancy, he repaid with the kindest
protection; of his afflicted wife, who with three children-the youngest
born since his father’s death-is left to lament a loss, which the
sympathy of her country may, in some degree, we trust alleviate.
In this sanguinary engagement the destruction was nearly equal on
both sides. The Chesapeake
lost her commander and forty-seven men killed, and ninety-seven wounded,
of whom fourteen afterwards died. Among
these were Lieutenant Ludlow, first lieutenant of this hip, and
Lieutenant Ballard, the forth lieutenant, both excellent officers.
On the part of the Shannon, Captain Broke was dangerously wounded
though he has since recovered; the first lieutenant, the purser,
captain’s clerk, and twenty-three seamen killed, and fifty-seven
persons wounded, besides Captain Broke.
The capture of
the Chesapeake is to be ascribed wholly to the extraordinary loss of
officers, (a loss without any precedent, as far as we can recollect, in
naval history;) and to her falling accidentally on board the Shannon.
During the three broadsides, while the officers of the Chesapeake
were living, and she was kept clear of the enemy, the superiority was
manifestly with the Americans. The
Chesapeake had received scarcely any damage, while the Channon had
several shot between wind and water, and could with difficulty be kept
afloat during the succeeding night.
It was only when accident threw the Chesapeake onboard the
Shannon, when her officers were unable to lead on the borders, that
Captain Broke himself-contrary, we believe to the regulations of the
British navy-left his own ship, and was able by superior numbers, to
overpower the distracted crew of the Chesapeake.
We have heard many accounts, which we are very reluctantly
compelled to believe, of improper conduct by the British after the
capture, and of brutal violence offered to the crew of the Chesapeake.
As, however some allowances are due to the exasperated passions
of the moment; something, too, to the confusion of a bloody and doubtful
struggle, we are unwilling to prolong the remembrance of imputations
which may be disproved, and perhaps have been exaggerated.
But we should wrong the memory of Captain Lawrence-we should be
unjust to the officers of the American navy, with whose glory all the
aspiring ambition of the country is so closely blended-if we omitted any
opportunity of giving the last and fairest lustre to their fame, by
contrasting their conduct with that of the enemy; or if we forbore, from
any misplaced delicacy towards our adversaries, to report circumstances
connected with the fate of the Chesapeake, which throw a broad and
dazzling light on the generous magnanimity of our countrymen.
When Captain Hull took the Guerriere, every chest, trunk, and box
belonging to the officers, containing it was known, the fruits of a long
cruise, much of it against our own country, was delivered to them
without examination. The
very trifles, which the crew of the Constitution saved from the
Guerriere, before she was blown up, were scrupulously restored to the
English sailors; no article of private property was touched.
When Commodore Decatur took the Macedonian, he purchased from
Captain Carden upwards of a thousand dollars worth of things in the
ship, and Captain Carden was permitted to take the rest on shore.
To such an extent was this kindness abused, that every knife and
fork-every cup and saucer-every plate and dish-every chair and table-in
short, every thing which Captain Carden had used, was taken on shore;
and before the Macedonian reached New York, the prize master was obliged
to send on board the United States for the most common articles of daily
use, as the prisoners had taken them all away.
At the same time, the wardroom officers of the United States
purchased their wine and other articles from the wardroom officers of
the Macedonian.
When Commodore Bainbridge took the Java, all the property of all
the officers and all the passengers, and the plate belonging to a high
military commander, were restored instantly.
The American officers would have deemed it disgraceful to retain
the private property of a brother officer, even though he were an enemy
and a prisoner.
When Captain Lawrence took the Peacock, and the officers and crew
of that vessel were left destitute, the officers and crew of the Hornet
fed and clothed them from their own stored.
When the Channon took the Chesapeake, the key of Captain
Lawrence’s storeroom was demanded of the purser.
It was given; but the pursuer observed, at the same time, that in
the captures of the Guerriere, Macedonian, and Java, the most scrupulous
regard was paid to the private property of the British officers; that
Captain Lawrence had laid in stores for a long cruise; and that the
value of them would be a great object to his widow and family, for whose
use he was desirous, if possible, of preserving them.
This request was not merely declined-it was haughtily and
superciliously refused.
Well, then-the enemy captured the Chesapeake-they enjoyed the
little private property of Captain Lawrence; but they have not taken
from him any of his individual fame, nor of his country’s glory.
However we may mourn the sufferings of that day, the loss of the
Chesapeake has not, in our estimation, varied the relative standing of
the marine of the two countries; nor does it abate, in the slightest
degree, any of the loftiness of our naval pretensions.
The contest was wholly unequal in ships, in guns, in crews, in
officers, in everything.
The Shannon was a better ship; she had not upon her the curse of
that ill-omened name, the Chesapeake.
The Shannon was a stronger ship; she mounted twenty-eight
eighteen pounders on the main deck, twenty-two thirty-two pound
carronades, and two long brass nines or twelve’s, on the spar deck,
and a large carronade amidships, in all fifty-two guns, besides this
last heavy carronade; while the Chesapeake mounted twenty-eight eighteen
pounders on the main deck, and twenty thirty-two pound carronades, and
one eighteen pounder-chase gun-on the spar deck, in all forty-nine guns.
The Shannon had a better crew.
Besides her complement she had seamen from two other ships. That crew too had been long at sea; long in the ship; were
known; were tried; and as Commodore Broke sent a challenge, were of
course men in whom-if they were not picked for the occasion-he knew he
could confide. The
Chesapeake had, on the contrary, in part a new crew, unknown to their
officers, not yet knowing their places, or the ship.
The ship had not been more than a few hours at sea, and the
landsmen and the lands women had been dismissed from her on the very day
of the engagement. The
officers, too although we should be the last to detract from their
merits, and although the manner in which they fought their ship does
them the highest honour, the officers were young and few in number, and
had as yet scarcely any opportunity of disciplining or knowing their
seamen; yet, under all these disadvantages, the great damage sustained
by the Shannon, and the great loss of her crew, all of which took place
before the boarding, warrant completely the opinion, that but for the
accidental loss of officers, the victory would have been with the
Chesapeake.
So far, indeed from humbling our national pride, the stubbornness
with which, in spite of its inequality, this combat was sustained, only
confirms us in a belief, not created by the events of that war, though
not likely to be much shaken by them-a belief formed on circumstances
which even a series of naval losses cannot now control-a belief, too in
avowing which we are quite content to incur the charge of overweening
national prejudice-that in all the qualities essential to success on the
ocean, the American seamen are not equal, but superior to the British
seamen. It is no merit of
theirs. Nature and
circumstances have made them so. But
so it is-they are physically superior; they are morally superior.
The warm and variable climate of the United States, has to a
certain degree, melted the original English constitution of our
ancestors, till instead of the broad shouldered and ruddy form of the
people of Great Britain, the Americans are a thinner race of men, with
less personal strength and stamina, but with more activity, more
quickness, more alertness. The
lower classes of people in this country, too, derive from their popular
institutions more intelligence and education, they learn more easier
while the wider field for exertion, and the perfect freedom of employing
themselves in their own way, gives to the American character a certain
play, and vigour and animation not found in any other nation.
The Americans moreover are generally younger men, more in the
vigour of life. The state of our trade also renders our seamen more
adventurous. They make
longer voyages, in smaller ships, and brave more dangers than can be
experienced in the regular and monopolised, and convoyed commerce of
Great Britain. They
besides, enter into the service voluntarily, and for short periods, and
their minds have more of the elastically of freedom than the seamen
onboard a British man of war. The
effect, which these circumstances might naturally be supposed to
produce, we have often seen. The Americans vanquished the English at sea again and again
during the Revolution. In
the war with France, the American squadrons were at least as active, as
brave and as vigilant against the enemy, as those of England. While the two navies were together in the Mediterranean, the
superiority in ships, crews, and officers was, in the opinion of every
stranger, decidedly with the Americans.
How that pre-eminence was sustained in the recent war, need not
be told. In short, the
American seamen have always held that high rank on the ocean from which
the casual loss of the Chesapeake, in an ill matched combat, cannot
degrade them, and which we are sure, with the blessing of God, and a
liberal policy from their country, they will always maintain.
Since the close of the war of 1812, the British historians have
laboured hard to show that all the naval victories gained by the
Americans, during that war, were the result of untowed accidents, or of
a greatly superior force on our side.
James, in his “Naval History,” and Alison, in his recent
“History of Europe,” have distorted facts, and made wholly unfounded
statements for this purpose. But
the true state of the case was directly the reverse.
Our victories were won by superior gunnery and superior
discipline, and their only one, where single frigates were opposed, was
clearly the result of untoward accidents.
By a process of careful analogy, some of our own writers have
shown the grounds on which we declare our victories to have been fairly
won; and yet our late enemies pretend to cite American authority for
accounts of these victories in which the national vanity of the British
is grossly and systematically flattered at the expense of truth and
justice. |
|
Isaac Hull
Isaac Hull was born in Derby, near New Haven,
Connecticut, in the year 1775. His
career on the ocean commenced when he was a mere boy.
At the age of twelve years he went on board a prize taken by his
father from the British, during the Revolution.
His early adventures in the merchant service were of a very
romantic character. Before
he entered the navy, he had made eighteen voyages to different parts of
Europe and the West Indies. He
entered the navy, as lieutenant on the 9th of March 1798.
His first active service was in the war with the French Republic,
during the administration of John Adams.
It will be recollected that the operations of this war were
confined chiefly to the extirpation of a species of vermin called French
privateers from the West India Sea, an exceedingly toilsome, but
inglorious service. The most celebrated actions of the war are the two battles of
Commodore Truxtun, in each of which he compelled a French frigate of
superior force to strike. Hull
however, then first lieutenant of the frigate constitution, under
commodore Talbot, was fortunate enough, in May 1790, to obtain a
separate command for a certain piece of service, which he achieved in a
very brilliant style.
It having been ascertained that a French letter of Marque the
Sandwich was lying in Port Platte, St Domingo, Commodore Talbot detached
Mr Hull, lieutenant of the constitution, to reconnoitre in one of the
frigate’s cutters, and soon after finding the American sloop Sally,
employed ion the coast of the island, he threw a party of seamen and
marines into her, under the command of Mr Hull, who arrived off the
port, with most of his men below, and so arranged matters, that no
suspicion of his intention was excited.
The Sally ran the Sandwich aboard, the party of Mr Hull went into
her, and carried her without the loss of a man.
At the same moment, Captain Carmick landed with the marines,
entered the Spanish battery, under whose protection the Sandwich was
lying, and spiked the guns. The
Sandwich was stripped to her girt line, and every thing was below.
She was captured at midday, and before sunset, she had her royal
yards across, her guns sealed, her American crew quartered, and soon
after she weighed, beat out of the harbour, and joined the frigate.
Hull always considered this one of the most creditable of his
achievements, and it is so regarded by the best judges of nautical
exploits. It turned out,
however, unfortunately for the Constitution’s people; for the legality
of the capture in a neutral port being questioned, not only was the
Sandwich restored to her owners, but all the prize money f the cruise
went to pay damages.
In the Tripolitan war of 1804, Hull’s services were more
important. It is well known
that General Eaton, by taking up the cause of the deposed Bashaw of
Tripoli, Hamet Caramalli, and assisting him to capture Derne, came so
near overturning the government, and humbling the barbarians to our own
terms, that he was only prevented from doing this by the precipitate
treaty of Mr Lear. It is
not so well known that it was Hull who aided General Eaton in the most
essential manner by furnishing funds, conveying him to Egypt, and
finally, by battering the town and fortifications, while Easton and his
allies were attacking it on the land side.
The singularity of this affair-a body of Americans allied with
Turks, attacking an African town by sea and land and capturing
it-renders it one of the most romantic achievements in which Mr. Hull
was ever engaged.
At the commencement of the war of 1812, Hull having been advanced
in the meantime to the rank of captain was placed in command of the
frigate Constitution, in which he was destined to perform those
brilliant actions, which have rendered home one of the most celebrated
heroes of our navy. His
first exploit was the escape of the Constitution from a British
squadron, which is justly regarded as one of the most remarkable
recorded in naval history. The account of it continued in the official
letter of Captain Hull has all the interest of a romance.
It is as follows: -
“United States frigate Constitution, at sea, July 21st
1812.
Sir :- In pursuance of your orders of the 3d instant, I left
Annapolis on the 5th instant, and the capes on the 12th,
of which I advised you by the pilot who brought the ship to sea.
For several days after we got out, the wind was light and ahead,
which, with a strong southerly current, prevented our making much way to
the northward. On the 17th,
at two p.m. being in twenty-two fathoms water off Egg Harbour, four sail
of ships were discovered from the masthead, to the northward and in
shore of us apparently ships of war.
The wind being very light all sail was made in chase of them, to
ascertain whether they were the enemy’s ships, or our squadron having
got out of New York, waiting the arrival of the Constitution, the latter
of which I had reason to believe was the case.
At four in the afternoon a ship was seen from the masthead,
bearing about N.E. standing for us under all sail, which she continued
to do until sundown, at which time she was too far off to distinguish
signals, and the ships in shore only to be seen from the tops; they were
standing off to the southward and eastward. As we could not ascertain before dark what the ship in offing
was, I determined to stand for her, and get near enough to make the
night signal.
At ten, in the evening, being within six or eight miles of the
strange sail the private signal was made, and kept up nearly one hour,
but finding she could not answer it, I concluded she and the ships in
shore were enemy.
I immediately hauled off to the southward and eastward, and made
all sail, having determined to lie off till daylight to see what they
were. The ship that we had
been chasing hauled off after us, showing a light, and occasionally
making signals, supposed to be for the ships in shore.
On the 18th,
at daylight or a little before it was quite light, saw two sail under
our lee, which proved to be frigates of the enemy’s.
One frigate astern within five or six miles, and a line of battle
ship, a frigate, and schooner about ten or twelve miles directly astern,
all I chase of us, with a fine breeze, and coming up fast, it being
nearly calm where we were. Soon
after sunrise, the wind entirely left us and the ship would not steer,
but fell round off with her head towards the two ships under our lee.
The boats were instantly hoisted out, and sent ahead to tow the
ship’s head round, and to endeavour to get her father from the enemy,
being then within five miles of three heavy frigates.
The boats of the enemy were got out and sent ahead to tow, by
which with the light air that remained with them, they came up very
fast. Fining the enemy
gaining on us, and but little chance of escaping from them, I ordered
two of the guns on the gun deck to be ran out a the cabin windows for
stern guns on the gun deck, and hoisted one of the twenty-four pounders
off the gun deck, and run that, with the forecastle gun, an eighteen
pounder, out at the ports on the quarterdeck, and cleared the ship for
action, being determined they should not get her without resistance on
our part, notwithstanding their force and the situation we were placed
in.
At about seven, in the morning, the ship nearest us approaching
within gunshot, and directly astern, I ordered one of the stern guns
fired, to see if we could reach her, to endeavour to disable her masts,
found the shot fell a little short, would not fire anymore.
At eight, four of the enemy’s ships nearly within gunshot, some
of them having six or eight boats ahead towing, with all their oars and
sweeps out, to row them up with us, which they were fast doing.
It now appeared that we must be taken, and that our escape was
impossible-four heavy ships nearly within gunshot, and coming up fast,
and not the least hope of a breeze to give us a chance of getting off by
out sailing them.
In this situation, finding ourselves in only twenty-four fathoms
of water, by the suggestion of that valuable officer, Lieutenant Morris,
I determined to try and warp the ship ahead, by carrying out anchors and
warping her up to them; three or four hundred fathoms of rope was
instantly got up, and two anchors got ready and sent ahead, by which
means we began to gain ahead of the enemy; they, however soon saw our
boats carrying out the anchors, and adopted the same plan, under very
advantageous circumstances, as all the boats from the ships furthermost
off were sent to tow and warp up those nearest to us, by which means
they again came up, so that at nine, the ship nearest us began to fire
her bow guns, which we instantly returned by our stern in the cabin and
on the quarterdeck. All the
shot from the enemy fell short; but we have reason to believe that some
of ours went onboard her, as we could not see them strike the water.
Soon after nine, a second frigate passed under our lee, and opened her
broadside, but finding her shot fall short, discontinued her fire; but
continued, as did all the rest of them, to make every possible exertion
to get up with us. From nine to twelve, all hands were employed in warping the
ship ahead, and in starting some of the water in the main hold to
lighten her, which, with the help of a light air, we rather gained of
the enemy, or at least, held our own.
About two, in the afternoon, all the boats from the line of
battle ship and some of the frigates were sent to the frigate nearest to
us, to endeavour to tow her up, but a light breeze sprung up, which
enabled us to hold way with her, notwithstanding they had eight of ten
boats ahead, and all her sails furled to tow her to windward.
The wind continued light until eleven at night, and the boats
were kept ahead towing and warping to keep out of the reach of the
enemy, three of the frigates being very near us; at eleven, we got a
light breeze from the southward, the boats came alongside and were
hoisted up, the ship having too much way to keep them ahead, the enemy
still in chase and very near.
On the 19th at daylight passed within gunshot of one
of the frigates, but she did not fire on us, perhaps for fear of
becalming her, as the wind was light; soon after passing us she tacked,
and stood after us-at this time six sail were in sight, under all sail
after us. At nine, in the
morning, saw a strange sail on our weather beam, supposed to be an
American merchant ship; the instant the frigate nearest us saw her, she
hoisted American colours, as did all the squadron, in hopes to decoy her
down; I immediately hoisted the English colours, that she might not be
deceived; she soon hauled her wind, and it is to be hoped, made her
escape. All this day the
wind increased gradually, and we gained on the enemy, in the course of
the day, six or eight miles; they however continued chasing us all night
under a press of sail.
On the 20th at daylight in the morning, only three of
them could be seen from the masthead, the nearest of which was about
twelve miles off, directly astern.
All hands were set at work wetting the sails, from the royals
down, with the engine and fire buckets, and we soon found that we left
the enemy very fast. As a
quarter past eight, the enemy finding that they were fast dropping
astern, gave over chase, and hauled their wind to the northward,
probably for the station off New York.
At half past eight, saw a sail ahead gave chase after her under
all sail. At nine saw
another strange sail under our lee how, we soon spoke the first sail
discovered, and found her to be an American brig from St. Domingo, bound
to Portland; I directed the captain how to steer to avoid the enemy, and
made sail for the vessel to leeward; on coming up with her, she proved
to be an American brig from St. Bartholomew’s, bound to Philadelphia;
but on being informed of war, he bore up for Charleston, S.C.
Finding the ship so far to the southward and eastward, and the
enemy’s squadron stationed off New York, which would make it
impossible for the ship to get there, I determined to make for Boston,
to receive your father orders, and I hope my having done so will meet
your approbation. My wish
to explain to you as clearly as possible why your orders have not been
executed, and the length of time the enemy were in chase of us, with
various circumstances, have caused me to make this communication much
longer than I could have wished, yet I cannot in justice to the brave
officers and crew under my command, close it without expressing to you
the confidence I have in them, and assuring you that their conduct while
under the guns of the enemy was such as might have been expected from
American officers and seamen. I
have the honour to be, with very great respect, sir your obedient humble
servant.
Such is Captain Hull’s modest account of this truly brilliant
exploit. Sailing on a
cruise immediately after this, with the same frigate, officers and crew
on the 19th of August he fell in with His Britannic
Majesty’s ship Guerriere, rated at thirty-eight guns, and carrying
fifty, commanded by Captain Dacres, who some time before, had politely
endorsed on the register of an American ship an invitation to Captain
Hull to give him a meeting of this kind.
At half past three in the afternoon, Captain Hull made out his
antagonist to be a frigate, and continued the chase till he was within
about three miles, when he cleared for action; the chase backed her main
topsail and waited for him to come down.
As soon as the Constitution was ready, Hull bore down to bring
the enemy to close action immediately; but, on his coming within
gunshot, the Guerriere gave a broadside and filled away and wore, giving
a broadside on the other tack; but without effect, her shot falling
short. She then continued
wearing and manoeuvring for about three quarters of an hour to get a
raking position, but finding she could not, she bore up and ran under
her topsails and jib, with the wind on the quarter.
During this time, the Constitution, not having fired a single
broadside, the impatience of the officers and men to engage was
excessive. Nothing but the
most rigid discipline could have restrained them.
Hull, however, was preparing to decide the contest in a summary
method of his own. He now
made sail to bring the Constitution up with her antagonist, and at five
minutes before six, being alongside within half pistol shot he commenced
a heavy fire from all his guns, double shotted with round and grape; and
so well directed, and so well kept up was the fire, that in sixteen
minutes the mizenmast of the Guerriere went by the board, and her main
yard in the slings, and the hull, rigging and sails were completely torn
to pieces. The fire was
kept up for fifteen minutes longer, when the main and foremast went,
taking with them every spar except the bowsprit, and leaving the
Guerriere a complete wreck. On
seeing this, Hull ordered the firing to cease, having brought his enemy
in thirty minutes after he was fairly alongside to such a condition,
that a few more broadsides must have carried her down.
The prize being so shattered that she was not worth bringing into
port, after removing the prisoners to the Constitution, she was set on
fire and blown up. In the
action, the Constitution lost seven killed, and seven wounded; the
Guerriere, fifteen killed, sixty-two wounded-including the captain and
several officers and twenty-four missing.
The news of this victory was received in the Unites States with
the greatest joy and exultation. All
parties united in celebrating it, and the citizens and public
authorities vied with each other in bestowing marks of approbation upon
Captain Hull and his gallant officers and crew.
Since the war of 1812 Commodore Hull has commanded in the Pacific
and Mediterranean, and on the shore stations in the United States.
He came to Philadelphia in the autumn of 1842. In the winter he was seized with the sickness, which
terminated his honourable and useful life.
He retained the full exercise of his mental faculties to the
last, and died with the composure becoming his character as a man, and
his hopes as a Christian. He
departed this life on Monday, the 13th of February 1843.
He had made his will, and purchased the lot at Laurel Hill
cemetery, where his remains are now deposited.
Commodore Hull’s attachment to his profession always led him to
honour it, and to preserve its dignity in his own character and
deportment. He always wore
his uniform, and probably by his own direction, his corpse was laid out
in the full dress of a commander, and thus-
“He lay
like a warrior taking his rest,”
And noble warrior he was-a glorious old commodore-with
a soul full of all noble aspirations for his country’s honour-a
splendid relic of a departed epoch of naval renown. |
|
William
Henry Allen
Few among our naval heroes have had a more
brilliant career than the subject of this memoir.
He entered the service at an early age, was actively engaged
during the Tripolitan war, was present and bore a conspicuous part in
the action between the United States and Macedonian, and finally fell
desperately fighting against a superior force, giving in his last hour,
proofs of gallantry which elicited the warmest admiration and the most
marked tokens of respect from the enemy on whose soil his remains were
buried.
William Herny Allen was born at Providence Rhode Island, on the
twenty-first day of October 1784. His
father, William Allen, on the breaking out of our revolutionary
troubles, was appointed a first lieutenant in the army.
He continued in the army until the restoration of peace, and
commanded the Rhode Island line of troops at the battle of Saratoga,
when he was advanced to the rank of major.
He was present and actively engaged in most of the battles which
were fought during our revolutionary war; and in 1786, was appointed by
Congress, senior officer of the legionary corps raised in Rhode Island.
In the year 1799, he was appointed by the legislature of that
state, brigadier general of militia.
The mother of William Henry Allen was the sister of the present
Governor of Rhode Island. It
was the intention of his parent that Henry should have received a
liberal education; and he went through the preparatory studies.
He panted, however for more active life; and, notwithstanding the
pressing remonstrances of his parents, he entered the navy, as a
midshipman in May 1800.
In three months after his appointment, he was ordered onboard the
frigate George Washington, commanded by Commodore Bainbridge, to carry
presents to the Day of Algiers. On
his departure, he writes to his father, “I now bid you a short adieu;
but, should it be the last, you shall have the satisfaction to hear of
my good conduct in my station, as an officer and as a gentleman.”
This cruise was attended with peculiarity of incident. The demand of the Dey of Algiers, that the frigate should be
employed in carrying his presents to the Grand Seignior at
Constantinople, and the unavailing reluctance and remonstrance of
Captain Bainbridge, are circumstances generally known?
It was the first time that the flag of an American frigate had
waved in the harbour of Constantinople.
The fine order of the ship, and the excellent discipline observed
among the officers and men, tended to impress very high ideas of the
Americans character in a quarter of the world where before it was
unknown.
Commodore Bainbridge returned to America, on the 19th
of April 1801, when a reduction of the navy ensued.
In eight days the return of the subject of the present memoir and
while he was solacing himself in the hope of one more visiting his
family and friends, he was ordered onboard the Philadelphia, under the
command of Captain Barron, to scour the Mediterranean sea again.
He bade his friends a cordial adieu, and entered on the service
with that promptitude that ever distinguished him.
Nothing material transpired during the cruise.
The ship returned to the United States, on the 27th of
June 1802. For the first
time, after his entrance into the service of his country, was he now
enabled to enjoy the society of his friends, and to visit his parental
abode. This however was but
a short repose allowed him from fatigues of naval service, for in
October 1802, he sailed in the frigate John Adams, commanded by Captain
Rodgers, to visit for the third time, the shore of the Mediterranean.
During the voyage, his correspondent of a report, which
afterwards proved to be unfounded, that a younger officer was advanced
over his head, informed him. This
is the manly reply of a boy of seventeen: “I am too well grounded in
old principles to mind such assaults now.
If the government decide thus, I can say-amen, with all my
heart.”
Commodore Rodgers returned from the cruise, in December 1803. Early in the year 1804, he was ordered onboard the frigate
Congress, lying at Washington, of which he was appointed sailing master.
The frigate sailed on the 1st of Jul, under the
command of Captain Rodgers, for the Mediterranean.
On the outward bound passage, while the ship was lying to, in a
violent gale, Allen was on the foreyard, assisting the sailors in taking
a reef. Letting fall that
part of the sail on which he had hold, he was precipitated headlong into
the sea, to the depth of twenty feet, passing in his fall, very near the
anchor on the bows. Fortunately,
he arose near the mizzen chains, and by taking hold of them, narrowly
escaped inevitable death, as the ship was then drifting very fast. While cruising off the coast of Tripoli, Captain Rodgers
intended, if the command should have developed upon him, in consequence
of the illness of Commodore Barron, an attack on that place. He took Allen with him in the schooner to take the soundings,
preparatory to the anticipated assault.
They entered the harbour with muffled oars; and, after taking a
sounding, and complete survey; they passed so near the Tripoline
gunboats, that they distinctly heard the men conversing below. They also heard the sentinels on the walls of the battery
conversing together. As
they were turning from the harbour, a heavy gale sprung up, and they had
a narrow escape to the Nautilus, which vessel was then in the very act
of leaving her position.
In the month of October 1805, Captain Rodgers removed to the
frigate Constitution, and assumed the command of the squadron, in
consequence of the return of Captain Barron to the United States.
Mr Allen was also removed to the Constitution, and promoted to a
lieutenancy. He served as
third lieutenant onboard the Constitution, and returned in that frigate
to the United States, in the year 1806.
During these several cruises to the Mediterranean, although
nothing transpired onboard of the frigates where Lieutenant Allen was
stationed, that might fairly be denominated naval glory, still a
peculiarity of circumstances gave a lofty and elevated tone to the
feelings of all the officers. An American squadron in the waters of the Mediterranean was
itself a novelty. That
squadron was small, and it was destined to pass under the review and
strict scrutiny of English ships of war occasionally stationed in these
seas, and passing the straits of Gibraltar.
Personal courage, skill and correctness of discipline, could
alone insure them respect in a company so illustrious; and to these
points all their efforts were directed.
They felt the high responsibility attached to their station, and
knowing how important the first impression of a national character was,
they acted up to that dignity which the occasion demanded.
After this long and fatiguing cruise, he was permitted, for a
short time to visit his friends and relations in Providence.
In February 1807, he received orders from Government to join the
frigate Chesapeake, commanded by Captain Barron, then fitting out at
Washington, for the straits. He
remained at Philadelphia while the ship was preparing for sea, during
which time he was busily employed in recruiting men for the service, and
then entered as third lieutenant. The
attack on the Chesapeake, by the Leopard, succeeded shortly after the
former sailing. The
unfortunate result of this affair was peculiarly trying to Lieutenant
Allen, | |